Title: Borrowing and Morphology in some American Languages
1Borrowing and Morphologyin some
AmericanLanguages
- Ewald Hekking Querétaro
- Dik Bakker Lancaster
21. The Languages
3Spanish
Otomi
Quichua
Guarani
4Languages
5(No Transcript)
6Languages
- 1. Quechua
- Andean (Ecuador Peru)
- 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
7Languages
- 1. Quechua
- Andean (Ecuador Peru)
- 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
- Flexible V N A
- Agglutinating
- Virtually no prefixes (SOV!)
- Very many suffixes (Person, TAM, Case)
8Languages
- 2. GuaranÃ
- Tupi (Paraguay official language)
9(No Transcript)
10Languages
- 2. GuaranÃ
- Tupi (Paraguay)
- Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
11Languages
- 2. GuaranÃ
- Tupi (Paraguay)
- Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
- Flexible V N A
- Fusional
- Very many prefixes (Person)
- Many suffixes (TAM, Case/Postpos)
12Languages
13Languages
- 3. OtomÃ
- Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
14(No Transcript)
15Languages
- 3. OtomÃ
- Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
- 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
16Languages
- 3. OtomÃ
- Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
- 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
- Rigid only V N , no A
- Fusional
- Prefixes on V and N
- Many suffixes on V, and N
172. The Data
18Data recorded (spoken)
Respondents Dialects Tokens
19Data recorded
Quechua (JGR) Respondents 38 Dialects 2
Tokens 79,718
20Data recorded
Quechua Guaranà (JGR) Respondents 38
38 Dialects 2 2 Tokens 79,718 57,828
21Data recorded
Quechua Guaranà Otomà (EH) Respondents 38
38 59 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 79,718
57,828 110,540
22Data recorded
Quechua Guaranà Otomà Respondents 38
38 59 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 79,718
57,828 110,540
23Example data structure
24Example data structure
25Example data structure
26Example data structure
27Example data structure
Code switches marked, and excluded
283. Borrowing from Spanish
29Borrowings overall (tokens)
 Â
 Â
Â
Â
 Â
 Â
30Borrowings overall (tokens)
 Â
 Â
Â
Â
 Â
 Â
31Borrowings overall (tokens)
 Â
 Â
Â
Â
 Â
 Â
32Borrowings overall (tokens)
 Â
 Â
Â
Â
 Â
 Â
33Borrowings overall (tokens)
 Â
 Â
Â
Â
 Â
Significant at 0.5 Same for dialects
 Â
34Borrowing (general)
Quechua gt Guaranà gt OtomÃ
35Borrowing (general)
- Quechua gt Guaranà gt OtomÃ
- In line with
- relative length of contact history
36Borrowing (general)
- Quechua gt Guaranà gt OtomÃ
- In line with
- relative length of contact history
- sociolinguistic situation
37Borrowing (general)
- Quechua gt Guaranà gt OtomÃ
- In line with
- relative length of contact history
- sociolinguistic situation
- amount of bilingualism
384. Borrowing Morphology
39Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
40Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
41Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
42Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
43Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
No systematic borrowing of Spanish morphology
into the native language
44Exceptions confirm the rule
Otomi beto grandchild beta granddaughter
(Sp. a F) (but often gender mistakes in
Spanish)
-
-
45Spanish affix on borrowed lexemes
But what about Spanish morphology on borrowed
N/V/A?
-
-
46N borrowed with morphology
-
-
47N borrowed with morphology
-
-
48N borrowed with morphology
-
-
49N borrowed with morphology
-
-
50N borrowed with morphology
-
-
51N borrowed with morphology
-
-
52N borrowed with morphology
-
-
53N borrowed with morphology
-
-
54N borrowed with morphology
-
-
55N borrowed with morphology
-
-
56V borrowed with morphology
-
-
57V borrowed with morphology
-
-
58V borrowed with morphology
-
-
59V borrowed with morphology
-
-
60V borrowed with morphology
-
-
61V borrowed with morphology
-
-
62V borrowed with morphology
-
-
63V borrowed with morphology
-
-
64V borrowed with morphology
-
-
65V borrowed with morphology
-
-
66V borrowed with morphology
-
-
67V borrowed with morphology
-
-
68A borrowed with morphology
-
-
69A borrowed with morphology
-
-
70A borrowed with morphology
-
-
71A borrowed with morphology
-
-
72A borrowed with morphology
-
-
73A borrowed with morphology
-
-
74Spanish borrowed with morphology
N and A mainly in lexicalized form Plural s may
be active on borrowed N and F a on A in
Quechua V typically borrowed with
morphologically active stem vowel in all three
languages
-
-
75Spanish borrowed with morphology
N and A mainly in lexicalized form Plural s may
be active on borrowed N and F a on A in
Quechua V typically borrowed with
morphologically active stem vowel in all three
languages IS THAT ALL?!
-
-
765. Borrowing AND Morphology
77Borrowing and Morphology
To what extent do borrowed lexemes interact
with native morphology?
-
-
78Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
79Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
80Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
81Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
82Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Almost exclusively suffixing
-
83Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Almost exclusively suffixing - No apparent
morphological constraints on borrowed V, N and A
-
84Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
85Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
86Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
87Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
88Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Most Person markers
-
89Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Topic/Focus TAM markers Rel markers
-
90Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Many person markers ( N A )
-
91Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Many postpositions PL marker ( N A )
92Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
No constraints detected but often less
fused than on native N/A
93Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
94Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
95Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
96Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
97Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
Most affixes of native N V, (almost)
same frequencies but several constraints on loan
verbs, so
-
986. A bit more on Otomi
99Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in
Past.3SG
-
-
100Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
- 1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs
- in Past.3SG
- pa   sell ? ma
- tai buy ? dai
- poni leave ? boni
- ähä sleep ? ñähä
-
-
101Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
- 1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs
- in Past.3SG
- pa   sell ? ma
- tai buy ? dai
- poni leave ? boni
- ähä sleep ? ñähä
-
- Never on Spanish loan verbs
-
-
102Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
syllable before certain verbal suffixes
-
-
103Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
- 2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
- syllable before certain verbal suffixes
- pädi know dà    pä-ka    Â
- PRES1 know-1.EMPH
- I know.
- fatsi help him-bi fax-ki.  Â
- Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â NEG-PAST3 help-1.OBJ
- Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â He didnt help me.
-
-
104Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
- 2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
- syllable before certain verbal suffixes
- pädi know dà    pä-ka    Â
- PRES1 know-1.EMPH
- I know.
- Never on Spanish loan verbs
-
-
105Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n-
-
-
106Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n- honi look for ? thoni pa sell ? b
a ne want ? hne juti pay ? njuti
-
-
107Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n- honi look for ? thoni pa sell ? b
a ne want ? hne juti pay ? njuti
1 counterexample h-mända
-
-
108Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
4. And several other phenomena
-
-
1097. Conclusion
110Spanish morphology on native stems
- There is no evidence for any Spanish morphology
employed productively on native stems in
Quechua, Guarani or Otomi ltin our samplegt
-
-
111Spanish morphology on loans Noun
- Spanish nouns may be borrowed with
inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this
seems to replace the native plural /kuna/ in
those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it
seems to be lexical - Spanish nouns may be
borrowed with derivational suffixes (Ag,
Dim), mainly in Quechua, and less so Guarani,
but these are arguably lexical
-
-
112Spanish morphology on loans Verb
- All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with
the morphologically relevant stem vowel
(-a/-e/-i) - This is consistently so for Quechua
and Guarani, but less so for Otomi
-
-
113Spanish morphology on loans Adj
- Spanish adjectives regularly (15) have the
feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani.
In most cases it is either a nominalization, or
it modifies a Spanish F noun, or a native
noun representing a female referent. Maybe
productive in Quechua. - This is very rare in
Otomi
-
-
114Native morphology on loans
- In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are
fully morphologically integrated they get all
relevant suffixes in the context - In Guarani,
borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes
and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A
less so. - In Otomi, there are several
morphophonological constraints on the full
integration of borrowed lexemes
-
-
115Summing up
- - In our sample, no Spanish morphology is
transferred - systematically to native elements (N/V/A)
- - There is not much morphology borrowed along
- with Spanish lexical elements (N/V/A).
- - The degree of morphophonological integration of
- borrowed elements is high everywhere, but
corresponds - to the amount of overall borrowing, and does
not seem to - be influenced much by the morphological
typology
-
-
116?