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Internal Reconstruction

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Title: Internal Reconstruction


1
Commentary on Crowley
  • Chapter 6
  • Internal Reconstruction

2
Basic assumption of Internal Reconstruction
  • Morphophonemic alternations contain historical
    information that can be extracted by assuming
    that the original language did not alternate.
  • Example English s manifests as /s/, /z/ and
    /?z/.
  • Assumption Older English had only ?s the
    contemporary language developed by sound change
    (loss of ?, voicing of s under statable
    conditions).

3
More synchronic alternations
  • was/were, raise, rear (rhoticism)
  • foot/feet (ablaut)
  • sing/sang/sung (Ger. singen/sang/gesungen)
    (ablaut Laryngeal theory)
  • knife/knives, wife/wives (voicing/V__V)

4
Crowleys Samoan Examples, p. 120
  • Intransitive Transitive GLOSS
  • inu inu-mia drink
  • ?au ?au-sia break
  • mata?u mata?u-tia fear
  • ta?i ta?i-sia cry
  • alofa alofa-?ia love
  • fua fua-tia weigh
  • ole ole-?ia cheat
  • sila sila-fia see

5
Trust, but verify
  • Results obtained by internal reconstruction are
    not usually taken seriously as historical fact
    unless they can be verified by independent
    evidence. (This is consistent with the principle
    of separation of synchronic and diachronic
    linguistics.)
  • In the most famous cases (Verners Law,
    Saussures sonorant coefficientsLaryngeal
    Theory), Internal Reconstruction was used to
    solve seemingly intractable problems which the
    Comparative Method alone was helpless to solve.

6
Two of the greatest discoveries in linguistics
were obtained through Internal Reconstruction.
  • Verners Law explained the exceptions to Grimms
    Law and opened the field to the possibility of
    the Regularity Hypothesis and the theory of the
    phoneme.
  • Saussures theory of the PIE laryngeals, which
    broke the uniformitarian mold of the time, was
    confirmed 50 years later by the discovery of
    Hittite, a language that actually exhibited the
    predicted laryngeals.

7
Biographical sketch of Ferdinand de Saussure by
Suzanne Kemmer, Spring 2008 (web article)
  • Ferdinand de Saussure, 1857-1913, was born in
    Geneva into a family of well-known scientists. He
    studied Sanskrit and comparative linguistics in
    Geneva, Paris, and Leipzig, where he fell in with
    the circle of young scholars known as the
    Neogrammarians. Brugmann, in particular, was his
    mentor, but he was also close to Karl Verner and
    others of the circle.

8
PIE ablaut sing/sang/sung
  • In 1878, at the age of 21, Saussure published a
    long and precocious paper called "Note on the
    Primitive System of the Indo-European Vowels". He
    explained in greater and clearer detail than
    others who were coming to similar conclusions how
    the PIE ablaut system worked.

9
What is a sonorant coefficient?
  • One of the most inspired parts of his analysis
    is the positing of 'sonorant co-efficients',
    consonantal elements that do not appear in any
    daughter language but can be hypothesized due to
    the systematic way the vowels are affected in the
    descendent languages, and due to position and
    distribution of such elements in the rest of the
    PIE system. Jerzy Kurylowicz later pointed out
    that Hittite, the last-discovered ancient
    Indo-European language, had consonants in just
    the positions predicted by Saussure's analysis.
    These consonants are now called laryngeals.

10
The next few slides are taken from the Ppt
Melanau Morphology
11
Nature of Internal Reconstruction
  • Notice that formally speaking, internal
    reconstruction differs little from (synchronic)
    morphophonemics, whose goal is to posit an
    underlying form. In historical phonology, the
    same kind of result is interpreted as the older
    form, from which the attested data is derived via
    grammatical or phonological change.

12
Melanau Ablaut Problem
13
GLOSS BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 clear-cut tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 fell (tree) t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 chop,hack n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
PROTO MELANAU BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 t__bas tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 t__ba? t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 t__t?k n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
14
GLOSS BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 clear-cut tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 fell (tree) t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 chop,hack n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
PROTO MELANAU BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 t?bas tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 t?ba? t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 t?t?k n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
15
Hypothesis (following Blust 1988)
  • Melanau ablaut involves verbal infixes -u-
    (active) and -i- (passive).
  • The ablaut data raises a question about the
    nature of the root vowel that is replaced by
    ablaut.
  • Dialect evidence shows a third vowelschwathat
    appears in the same position as ablaut vowels.

16
GLOSS BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 clear-cut tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 fell (tree) t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 chop,hack n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
Underlying form (synchronic) BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 t?bas tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 t?ba? t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 t?t?k n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
17
Synchrony to diachrony
  • Using this schwa as evidence, by Internal
    Reconstruction we posit schwa as the underlying
    vowel in the root. However, by itself, this move
    is little more than a synchronic solution.
  • Comparative evidence from other languages (and
    PMP) demonstrates that Melanaus ablauted roots
    reflect etyma containing penult schwa. This
    confirms the above an historical explanation.

18
GLOSS BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 clear-cut tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 fell (tree) t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 chop,hack n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
PROTO MELANAU BELAWI MATU-DARO DALAT KANOWIT
238 t?bas tubas tibas tub?s tib?s n.c. n.c.
239 t?ba? t?ba? t?ba? tiba? t?ba? t?ba?
240 t?t?k n.c. tut?k tit?k tut?k t?t?k
19
Back to Crowley, Chapter 6
20
6.2 Limitations on internal reconstruction
  • Every scientific procedure leads to trade-offs,
    and Internal Reconstruction is no exception.
  • The point is, use the tools that are appropriate
    to the problem at hand.

21
Review Uses of irregular data.
  • morphophonemic alternations Internal
    Reconstruction (Chap 6)
  • borrowing language contact issues (Chap 12)
  • analogy grammatical change vs. phonological
    change (Chap 7)
  • variable data dialect change in progress (Chap
    10)
  • sound symbolism semantic change (Chap 7)
  • unexplained residue meaningful employment for
    future linguists (Chap 11)

22
Internal Reconstruction
  • LING 485/585
  • Winter 2009
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