Immigration: the Irish Knowledge Gap

1
Contact Address School of Applied Social Science
UCD. Email bryan.fanning_at_ucd.ie and
neil.oboyle_at_ucd.ie
Immigration and Integration The Irish Knowledge
Gap Bryan Fanning and Neil OBoyle
Focus of Research The Integration and
Demographic Data research module is a component
of the three year IRCHSS funded Integration and
Social Change in the Republic of Ireland project
which commenced in April 2008. The focus of the
research module is on the need for
comprehensively disaggregated data on the
experiences of different immigrant communities to
inform targeted policy. The project aims to
improve institutional capacity for the analysis
of existing data sets (e.g. census enumeration
area data) so as to measure current social
integration and to develop longitudinal measures
of social integration. The research aims to
address methodological and policy issues for
Irish quantitative (census and survey) data
collection and analysis arising from recent large
scale immigration. There is an urgent need
to develop research capacity in response to
recent large scale immigration. Irish scholarship
is developing from a very low base and in general
is poorly placed to inform integration policy.
Much of this consists of small scale qualitative
studies. Furthermore, the use of demographic data
is also underdeveloped in comparison with
countries such as the United Kingdom. There is an
urgent need to promote a longitudinal analysis of
census and survey data capable of tracking the
distinct needs and circumstances of diverse
immigrant communities. It is necessary that such
analysis is informed by hypotheses drawn from the
experiences of other countries. Such experiences
potentially include the economic, social and
political marginalisation of some immigrant
communities, the impact of these on existing
spatial deprivation, experiences of addressing
immigrant social exclusion and promoting
integration. The aim of the module is to
develop Irish capacity for analysis of currently
underused census and quarterly household budget
survey data which has the potential to provide a
basis for disaggregating data on different
immigrant communities and for longitudinal
analysis. The second aim of this module is to
develop capacity and good practice in the
longitudinal analysis of census and survey data
on the basis of nationality and ethnicity census
variables.
Immigration and Socio-Spatial Segregation Popular
and political debate about immigration tends to
focus on the dangers of ghettoised immigrant
populations. The experiences of other countries
reveal concentrations of socially excluded
immigrants in economically deprived localities.
Examples include Bradford (United Kingdom) and
suburban Paris. The Irish case is one where large
scale recent immigration is likely to impact on
pre-existing patterns of socio-spatial
segregation. The module will test a
hypothesis of immigrant social lift (akin to
gentrification) versus a hypothesis of immigrant
spatial deprivation. The aim is to better
understand how the presence of immigrant families
and children impacts on areas of demographic
decline and how neighbourhood affects are likely
to affect immigrant communities. In this context
analysis of the spatial distribution of
immigrants on the basis of their own
socio-economic status will have significant
consequences for both social inclusion and
integration policy. Research in other countries
(e.g. UK and France) reveals spatial deprivation
compounds other forms of marginalisation
experienced by some immigrant communities. Irish
data indicates that immigrants possess higher
levels of social capital (e.g. qualifications)
than Irish citizens. The concentration of
marginal immigrants in spatially deprived areas
has considerably different implications than the
addition of highly qualified immigrants to such
localities. However, the presence of immigrants
from higher socio-economic groups than the
general population in areas of demographic
decline may not of itself achieve a social
lift. Analysis will focus on deprived
localities or pockets in Dublin and in other
urban centres with significant immigrant
populations. Here the need for ethnic/nationality
breakdowns of spatial data is emphasised (see
Figure 1). Analysis will focus on the positive
and negative impact of immigrants on employment
and educational levels within deprived areas by
Electoral District using indicators of relative
deprivation (e.g. social class disadvantage,
demographic decline and labour market
disadvantage).
International Immigration Comparing
international data on immigration is difficult,
mainly due to the use of different criteria to
categorise foreign-born residents versus locally
born non-citizens (see Table 1). The exact number
of migrants residing in Europe, for example, is
still unknown,i partly due to the fact that, in
contrast to Australia, Canada, New Zealand and
the US, many European countries use nationality,
not the place or country of birth, as the
standard criterion in their demographic, economic
and social statistics. This means that in many
instances it is not possible to differentiate
between the foreign born ( immigrants) and the
locally born non-citizens.ii i According to
Eurostat, net migration in the EU-25 increased
from 590 000 persons in 1994 to 1.85 million by
2004, although it is acknowledged that these
figures are likely under-estimates of the true
extent of migration flows between countries as
they do not include clandestine migration, such
as illegal immigrants or human trafficking
(Eurostat Yearbook 2006-07, p. 29). ii World
Migration 2005 Costs and Benefits of
International Migration, IOM Publications, p.
117.
Figure 1 Dublin - all foreign nationals
excluding Britishi i Source Mac Éinrí, P.
and Bradley, H. (2007) CSO Publications.
Available at http//migration.ucc.ie/mappingmigrat
ion.htm
Research Policy Context Current breakdowns of
data from the 2006 Census of Population and other
important sources of data such as the Household
Budget Survey inadequately meet the needs of
Irish social policy in a multicultural era. The
importance of adequate and appropriate data and
some of the difficulties in developing such data
has been highlighted by the United Kingdom
Cabinet Office One of the reasons why policies
and services have failed minority ethnic groups
in the past is the lack of information available
about them. Much information that is currently
collected is not broken down by ethnic group. In
addition, because people from minority ethnic
communities make up a small proportion of the
population, their representation in many surveys
is so low as to make it difficult to use the
results with confidence. The resulting lack of
detailed local and robust data that covers the
whole country means that it is often difficult to
adequately diagnose the problems experienced by
minority ethnic groups, better target policies or
services at addressing their needs, and monitor
the impact on them.i Similar concerns have
been emphasised in recent Irish immigration
policy debates. As stated by the Office of the
Minister of Integration Evidence based policy
is very much a feature of Irish public service
planning and is particularly in the integration
field. There are serious gaps in our information
about the new communities, only some of which
have been addressed by the recent census. The
quality of research on integration has been
sporadic and uneven often linked to the
difficulty of getting appropriate data.ii In
2008 the Minister of State for Integration has
expressed concerns about the potentially
detrimental impact of marginalised immigrants
upon already marginalised communities. However, a
distinctive characteristic of Irish immigration
is the prevalence of high levels of human
capital. In this context the presence of
immigrants in deprived localities may constitute
a social lift rather than the concentration of
multiple bases of inequality. However, all
European countries have minority ethnic
populations that face disproportionate levels of
social exclusion and marginalisation. This
suggests that Irish integration policy will need
to focus on identifying and responding to
differing levels of need amongst different
communities in different localities. Policies
targeted at immigrant communities will need to
take into account the spatial distribution of
immigrants. i UK Cabinet Office (2000)
Minority Ethnic Issues in Social Exclusion and
Neighbourhood Renewal, London, HMSO, p. 66. ii
Office of the Minster of Integration (2008)
Migration Nation Statement on Integration
Strategy and Diversity Management, Dublin
Stationary Office, p. 23.
Integration and Empirical Data 1 Integration is
a concept that spans various dimensions of
individual and collective life. The topic of
integration includes material, cultural and
social aspects and crosses scientific,
jurisdictional and bureaucratic boundaries.i
While discussion of this topic has been mostly
focused on the economy,ii economic needs must
be balanced by a strong policy of social
integration.iii Research on integration might
therefore include items such as the frequency of
contacts with friends and neighbours and the
availability of support in emergencies,iv in
addition to examining immigrant occupations or
incomes. Broadly, integration can be defined as
A process of unifying individuals and activities
into a new system. It means that minority groups
and the majority group develop a new way of
living, which includes elements of the values and
ideas of both groups. Integration also means that
everyone finds a place in society. There are no
fundamental divisions between groups.v There
are a number of sources of empirical data on
immigration and integration in Ireland in
addition to the CSO. Irish organisations
utilising data provided by the CSO and/or
developing independent numerate data include the
Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment
(DETE), the Department of Justice, Equality and
Law Reform (DJELR), the Department of Social and
Family Affairs (DSFA) and Foras Áiseanna Saothair
(FÁS). However, much of the data from these
sources are not publicly available or compiled in
a useable form for researchers.vi i
Managing Migration in Ireland (2006) NESC Report
No. 116, p. 171. ii Fanning, B. (2007)
Immigration and Social Change in the Republic of
Ireland, Manchester Manchester University Press.
iii Ní Mhurchú, A. (2007) Recognition of
Professional Qualifications An Analysis of the
Role of Professional Bodies, Dublin Integrating
Ireland Publications. iv Böhnke, P. (2007)
Poverty and Social Integration in the Enlarged
Europe, Social Science Research Centre Berlin, p.
10. v UNITED for Intercultural Action,
Information Leaflet No. 13. vi Managing
Migration in Ireland (2006) NESC Report No. 116,
p. 10-12.
Table 1 Basic Concepts in Europe and the
USi i Source World Migration 2005 Costs and
Benefits of International Migration, IOM
Publications, p. 142

• The 2006 Census Overview
• The Irish Census of Population is the largest
  database of enumerated people in the country and
  is also the largest and most exacting statistical
  operation organised by the CSO. The census is
  extremely important for researchers of
  immigration and integration because
• It permits longitudinal understanding of the
  impacts of immigration
• It provides information on a wide variety of
  related topics such as education, employment and
  socio-economic status
• It allows researchers to examine geographical
  dispersion, which can help to illuminate spatial
  segregationi
• In the 2006 Census some ten percent of a
  documented population of 4,172,013 were
  identified as foreign-born. Of these 112,548 were
  from the United Kingdom. The best 2007 estimate
  is that the 63,276 Poles resident in the state
  can be supplemented by about 10,000 who consider
  that they normally live in Poland but are
  regularly in Ireland.ii Some 16,633 Chinese and
  35,812 of other Asian backgrounds were
  documented the former accepted as a clear
  underestimation because only householders of
  Chinese residences in multiple occupations were
  counted.iii The census identified a black or
  black African population of 53,318.
• i The smallest administrative area for which
  population statistics are published is the
  Electoral Division. According to the2006 Census,
  the largest population increase was in the ED of
  Blanchardstown-Blakestown in Fingal, where the
  population grew from 24,404 in 2002 to 32,305.
  The constituency of Dublin West, which is located
  within the county of Fingal, showed the greatest
  change in population (26.8) between 2002 and
  2006 (see Figure 1).
• ii Census 2006 cited in Irish Times 27 July
  2007.
• iii Minister of Integration, Address at
  University College Dublin 14 September 2007.

Integration and Empirical Data 2 An examination
of international literature reveals several
common themes in respect of how integration is
defined and quantified. In Table 2, four reports
(one taken from Ireland, the UK, the US and the
EU) are matched against a list of empirical
indicators of integration. Importantly, these
suggest a reasonable degree of consensus among
international scholars on baseline empirical
indicators of integration.

• Using Surveys to Generate Empirical Indicators of
  Integration
• Surveys are a rich and reliable source of
  empirical data on integration and can be used to
  generate composite indicators of integration. A
  number of international organisations such as the
  EU, UN and OECD collect data from member
  countries to generate comparative statistical
  reports, however, there are difficulties
  associated with using these data sources.i In
  the Irish context, the most reliable surveys for
  generating empirical indicators of integration
  are the Quarterly National Household Survey
  (QNHS) and the Survey on Income and Living
  Conditions (EU-SILC).
• The purpose of the QNHS is to produce
  quarterly labour force estimates however, this
  survey also permits the classification of annual
  migration flows by sex, age group,
  origin/destination and nationality. As such, the
  QNHS is of particular use to researchers of
  immigration and integration because
• It tracks seasonal changes in the labour force,
  identifies labour force deficiencies and
  highlights where these are being filled by
  immigrants
• It helps to construct a general profile of
  migrant workers relative to the indigenous
  populationii
• It identifies sectors of the labour force in
  which migrant workers are tending to cluster
• EU-SILC is an annual survey that examines the
  income and living conditions of different types
  of households with a particular focus on poverty
  and social exclusion. As with the Census and
  QNHS, EU-SILC is of particular use to researchers
  of immigration and integration because
• It provides detailed income data on households
  and individuals
• It estimates the number/proportion of persons
  at-risk-of-poverty and living in Consistent
  Poverty
• It examines the distribution of the population
  across equivalised income deciles (gross and net)
• While the QNHS and EU-SILC are important data
  sources, it remains the case that these surveys
  still lack sufficient comparative scope to assess
  the relative integration of diverse immigrant
  communities.
• i International survey data comparison is
  complicated and often contentious. This is due to
  a plethora of factors, which include differences
  in data collection practices, sample size,
  frequency, investigative areas and periodic
  comparison. In terms of periodic comparison, for
  example, the European Social Survey (ESS) is
  biennial while the International Social Survey
  Programme (ISSP) is conducted annually.
  Additionally, both the ESS and ISSP are carried
  out mainly in economically powerful democracies,
  questioning their ability to permit comparison
  with economically poorer countries. Perhaps most
  problematically for the researcher of immigration
  and integration, however, is that each individual
  nation is generally afforded a very small sample
  in multi-nation surveys.
• ii Alan Barrett of the ESRI, for example, has
  used Quarter 2 data from the QNHS 2005 to examine
  the integration of immigrants into the Irish
  labour market, finding that these are on average
  significantly less likely to be in high-level
  occupations (controlling for factors such as age
  and education). (Barrett, A. and Duffy, D. (2007)
  Are Irelands Immigrants Integrating into its
  Labour Market? Working Paper No 199. Dublin
  ESRI).

Table 2 Empirical Indicators of Integration
The 2006 Census Ethnic Question In the 2006
Census a new question was included which asked
people to list their ethnic/cultural
background.i Nearly 95 of the usually resident
population described themselves as white (see
Table 3). Persons of Asian or Asian Irish
background accounted for a further 1.3 per cent,
while those who ticked the African box in the
Black or Black Irish section made up 1 of usual
residents. i As King-ORiain notes, the
categories to this question while not billed as
a race question do nevertheless employ skin
colour and meta-racial designations, even though
the ticks are on ethnic identifiers. In the
context of the Irish Census of Population, the
usefulness of this question is unclear,
particularly as it did not make any other
white, any other black or any other Asian
free text fields, which as King ORiain points
out, means that the categories might be very
heterogeneous and of limited conceptual use.
(King-ORiain, R.C. (2007) Counting on the
Celtic Tiger Adding Ethnic Census Categories
in the Republic of Ireland, Ethnicities, 7 (4)
pp. 516-542).

• Immigration, Social Inclusion and Integration
• Within Irish and EU social policy debates a
  family resemblance can be seen between social
  inclusion goals and prevalent definitions of
  integration. This suggests some equivalence
  between indicators of social inclusion and
  indicators of integration. The module will pilot
  the desegregation of concrete indicators of
  integration which can be drawn from census data.
  For example, Ireland is characterised by high
  levels of home ownership. In this context home
  ownership levels constitutes a concrete index of
  integration. Other such indicators include
  numbers of immigrants with Irish-resident
  children. Analysis of the international
  literature suggests that vulnerable migrants are
  likely to experience housing marginalisation. The
  2006 census reveals a rise in usually resident
  Irish-born children aged 0-4 with non-Irish born
  parents. The numbers of children with non-Irish
  or UK born parents rose from 869 in 1991 to 6674
  in 2002 to 18254 in 2006.i Such data has
  implications for integration policy as do data on
  the numbers of such children living with lone
  parents (hypothetically vulnerable to social
  exclusion). In summary the module will
• Undertake a policy relevant analysis of measures
  of immigrant social exclusion as a basis for
  longitudinal analysis
• Review existing data on perceived impact of
  immigrants on the spatial articulation of social
  disadvantage
• Analyse electoral area (ED) and atomic data to
  examine impact of immigration upon localities
  categorised as severely disadvantaged on
  Hasse deprivation index
• Pilot analysis of ethnic breakdown of immigrants
  within localities categorised as severely
  disadvantaged or disadvantaged
• Pilot analysis of immigrant population
  disaggregated by ethnicity using concrete
  indicators of integration.
• Pilot analysis of disaggregated data to identify
  immigrant communities at risk of social
  exclusion, spatial pattern of immigrant social
  exclusion.
• i Punch, A. (2006) Marriage, Fertility and the
  Family in Ireland A Statistical Perspective,
  Dublin CSO, p. 20.

Table 3 Usual residents by ethnic or cultural
background 2006i i Source www.qnhsireland.net

• Integration and Social Inclusion
• Like integration, social inclusion is a concept
  that incorporates material, cultural and social
  dimensions, as reflected in the following
  government definition of poverty and social
  inclusion People are living in poverty if their
  income and resources (material, cultural and
  social) are so inadequate as to preclude them
  from having a standard of living which is
  regarded as acceptable by Irish society
  generally. As a result of inadequate income and
  resources people may be excluded and marginalised
  from participating in activities which are
  considered the norm for other people in
  society.i The National Action Plan for Social
  Inclusion 2007-2016 identifies categories such as
  lone-parent families, people with disabilities
  and minority groups and uses Consistent
  Povertyii as its principal measurement.
  Nevertheless, this report acknowledges that there
  is no single measurement that offers a complete
  picture of deprivation, poverty and social
  exclusion and instead, supports the drafting of a
  list of social inclusion indicators by EU member
  states, which are broken down by income,
  employment, education, health, housing and
  deprivation.iii
• While composite indicators are necessary to
  the study of integration and inclusion, it is
  important that these topics are not viewed solely
  on these grounds. Research should encourage
  alternative perspectives (such as examining
  literacy levels, possession of medical
  cards/private medical insurance etc.)iv and
  should incorporate a greater focus on
  socio-spatial segregation. The emphasis of this
  research, building on the work of Trutz Haase, is
  on the need to disaggregate data to describe the
  particular experiences of diverse immigrant
  communities. Hasses work emphasises
• Data sharing (and agreed-upon terms and
  timeframes) among researching parties
• Targeting those individuals, families and
  neighbourhoods that are most in need
• Consistent geo-coding of small geographical
  units
• Making the visualisation and analysis of data
  available via a web-accessible GIS (Geographic
  Information System)
• i National Anti-Poverty Strategy (1997),
  Department of Social and Family Affairs, p. 3.
• ii Persons are regarded as being in consistent
  poverty if (i) Their income is below 60 of
  median income, and (ii) They experience
  deprivation in relation to the list of
  deprivation items. The Revised Consistent Poverty
  Deprivation Index lists 11 items which range from
  the possession of two pairs of strong shoes and a
  warm waterproof overcoat to the capacity to buy
  presents for loved ones once a year and entertain
  guests at least once a month. Persons lacking in
  two or more items from this list are regarded as
  being in consistent poverty. In 2006, the
  percentage of non-Irish nationals living in
  consistent poverty at 60 level using basic
  life-style deprivation indicators was 8.5,
  compared to 6.8 of Irish nationals (EU Survey
  on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2006,
  CSO Publications November 2007, p. 12, 18).
• iii See Annex 1, National Action Plan for
  Social Inclusion 2007-2016, p. 86.
• iv According to the EU Survey on Income and
  Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2006, 32.4 of Irish
  nationals have a medical card compared to 28.1
  of non-Irish nationals, and 48.5 of Irish
  nationals have private medical insurance compared
  to 27.4 of non-Irish nationals (p. 23).
• v See, for example, Haase, T. (2007) The Report
  of the Fingal Data Sharing Initiative, available
  at http//www.fdb.ie/report_Co_Data_Initiative.pd
  f

Why Disaggregate Data on Immigrants? All
European countries have some minority ethnic
populations that face disproportionate levels of
social exclusion and marginalisation. A review of
the international literature emphasises the
heterogeneity of experiences of different groups
with likely different experiences within groups
(e.g. those of women or children) adding further
complexity. For example, in Britain a picture
emerges of shifts in the fortunes of some
communities over time, the ongoing
marginalisation of others and of communities
experiencing different forms and levels of
disadvantage.i Disparities between ethnic
groups have been found in income levels, rates of
employment and self-employment, types of
employment, occupational status, educational
attainment and levels of home ownership.
Particularly vulnerable cohorts were identified
within some communities on the basis of age and
gender. The British experience also indicates
that racism and discrimination are commonly
experienced on the basis of ethnicity but with
different consequences for different communities.
This can be translated, in the Irish case, into a
hypothesis that racism in Irish society may
affect Travellers differently from various
Nigerian, Chinese or Bosnian communities or that
whilst overall immigrant educational attainment
exceeds that of Irish citizens there are likely
to be some immigrant communities who nevertheless
experience educational disadvantage. Unless
census and survey data are comprehensively
disaggregated inequalities and experiences of
marginalisation will remain obscured.
Disaggregated data is crucial to enable targeted
policies to address potential social exclusion
amongst some immigrant communities. Currently
releases of CSO Census Data and survey data is
not comprehensively disaggregated on the basis of
nationality or ethnicity. i Modood, T.,
Berthood, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J., Patten. S.,
Virdee, S. and Beishon, S. (1997) Ethnic
Minorities in Britain, London Policy Studies
Institute.