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Title: Yvonne Barnes-Holmes


1
Understanding the Clinical Processes in ACT
  • Yvonne Barnes-Holmes
  • Dermot Barnes-Holmes

2
Co-Authors
  • Ian Stewart
  • Louise McHugh
  • Kelly Wilson
  • Barbara Johnson
  • Brandy Fink
  • Andy Cochrane
  • Anne Kehoe
  • Hilary-Anne Healy
  • Claire Keogh
  • Jenny McMullen
  • Carmen Luciano
  • Francisco J. Molina Cobos
  • Olga Gutiérrez
  • Sonsoles Valdivia
  • Marisa Páez
  • Miguel Rodríguez
  • Francisco Cabello
  • Carmelo Visdómine
  • José Ortega
  • Francisco Montesinos
  • Mónica Hernández
  • Laura Sánchez

3
Introduction
  • There is no theory behind therapy, the former is
    a coherent set of theoretical constructs that
    hang together and make predictions, the latter is
    a coherent set of techniques that make a
    different set of predictions
  • Almost never in the history of psychology have
    they come together in a manner that was both
    theoretically consistent and technologically
    effective
  • ACT is no different, but as the field develops,
    there is growing reason to believe that there is
    considerable overlap between Relational Frame
    Theory (RFT) and ACT and that the former can make
    sound predictions about why the latter works, and
    to some extent about what the latter should look
    like

4
Overview
  • The current talk will review some of the
    predictions and empirical evidence that support
    processes and techniques identified in ACT
  • For the sake of simplicity, and in order to be
    consistent with the evidence, we will divide ACT
    into the following
  • Acceptance vs. Avoidance
  • Acceptance vs. Cognitive Control
  • Values
  • Defusion

5
Acceptance vs. Avoidance
6
Acceptance vs. Avoidance
  • Our first place to start looking at ACT (Study 1)
    was to analyse the distinction between acceptance
    and avoidance if this was not clear-cut, then
    the basic terminology might need to be
    reconsidered
  • ACTs emphasis on the dichotomy between
    acceptance and avoidance and the development of
    the AAQ suggested that we might be able to
    functionally differentiate individuals in terms
    of their propensity towards acceptance or
    avoidance
  • We took 15 undergraduates who were low in
    acceptance (at least 1 SD below the mean on the
    AAQ) and 14 high in acceptance (at least 1 SD
    above the mean)

7
Acceptance vs. Avoidance
  • Participants were exposed to a simple automated
    task that required them to match nonsense
    syllables
  • During the task, however, matching on some trials
    resulted in the presentation of a horrible
    aversive image (e.g. mutilated bodies) for 6
    seconds
  • Participants were required to rate each aversive
    picture
  • But, primarily we wanted to determine how long it
    took them to do the task when they had
    discriminated which type of picture would come
    next
  • Our prediction was that low accepters/high
    avoiders would take longer to complete tasks,
    which they had learned would be followed by an
    aversive picture
  • This, for us, was a type of avoidance

8
Median Reaction Times
  • During the task, High Acceptance produced similar
    reaction times whether they expected to see
    either an aversive or a neutral image next, so
    anticipation or avoidance was limited
  • But, Low Acceptance exhibited significantly
    longer reaction times when they expected to see
    an aversive image (p 0.015)

3
2.5
High
Low
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
A N A N
But could this be simply because the Low
Acceptance Group perceived the neutral pictures
to be more unpleasant and thus legitimtely more
avoidable than the High Acceptance group?
9
Self-Report Ratings
  • No, because High Acceptance rated the aversive
    images as more unpleasant and more emotionally
    intense than Low Acceptance
  • But yet, Low Acceptance were less willing to look
    at either images than High Acceptance


Pleasant Unpleasant

Mild Intense
Willing Unwilling
10
Discussion
  • So, the outcomes were consistent with ACT
    predictions regarding acceptance and avoidance
    and their dichotomy
  • Individuals low in acceptance/high in avoidance
    showed greater anticipatory avoidance of the
    negative pictures than those high in
    acceptance/low in avoidance
  • This avoidance was consistent with their own
    ratings of willingness to look at the pictures
  • Furthermore, this avoidance occurred even though
    these individuals rated the pictures as less
    unpleasant and less intense than the other group
  • The high acceptance groups, therefore, showed
    less avoidance and greater experiential
    willingness in the face of adversity outcomes
    that are consistent with ACT predictions

11
ERPs and Avoidance
  • Study 2 replicated Study 1, but incorporated
    Event Related Potentials (ERPs) during the task
    with
  • 6 High Acceptance
  • 6 Low Acceptance
  • 6 Mid-Range Acceptance
  • Once again, we predicted that level of avoidance
    would differentiate and we hoped it would be
    detected by the ERPs

12
Median Reaction Times
  • Identical to Study 1, High and Mid Acceptance
    produced similar reaction times for both aversive
    and neutral images, showing no anticipation or
    avoidance
  • But, Low Acceptance again emitted longer reaction
    times when they expected to see an aversive,
    rather than a neutral, image (p 0.0431)

3.5
3
2.5
2
Low
1.5
High
Mid
1
0.5
0
A N A N A N
13
Self-Report Ratings
  • Again, this was not because the pictures were
    less unpleasant, because the High and Mid
    Acceptance rated the aversive images as more
    unpleasant and emotionally intense than Low
    Acceptance
  • But, Low and Mid Acceptance were less willing to
    look at the images

14
ERPs Recordings
  • As expected, the ERPs recordings discriminated
    between the two types of pictures, with the
    unpleasant pictures producing significantly more
    positive wave forms than the neutral pictures for
    all groups
  • And an interesting finding emerged with regard to
    the scalp locations . . .

15
Low Acceptance
Area Dimensions (?V ms)
High Acceptance
16
ERPs Recordings
  • The fact that the Low Acceptance group showed
    greater negative activation for left hemisphere
    electrodes could suggest greater verbal activity
    for this group, which might indicate the use of
    verbal avoidance strategies (e.g. This is not
    real, think of something else, etc.)

17
Discussion
  • So again, the avoidance groups could be
    distinguished from one another on several
    predictable counts -- Low Acceptance showed
    greater anticipation of the aversive images than
    the others and were less willing to look at them
    -- and yet, they rated the pictures as less
    unpleasant
  • Some willingness distinctions even emerged
    between mid and high range accepters
  • The unwillingness and tolerance avoidance for Low
    Acceptance was associated with greater negative
    activation for left hemisphere electrodes,
    suggesting the activation of verbal areas
  • Again, the former outcomes are consistent with
    ACTs emphasis on acceptance, avoidance and
    willingness and the ERPs data were consistent
    with RFTs emphasis on verbal behaviour

18
Acceptance vs. Cognitive Control
19
Acceptance
  • Up until the mid-90s, CBT was still insistent
    that explicit attempts to control cognitive
    events directly would reduce their frequency and
    impact, and thus be associated with positive
    clinical outcomes
  • ACT has always offered a counter-approach because
    of its contextualistic underpinnings that argues
    that the only way to change verbal events is to
    change the context in which they occur and
    acceptance is the term we use to describe this
    broader target
  • In this regard, though not intentionally, ACT is
    more in line with Eastern traditions that
    emphasise acceptance/mindfulness
  • But Eastern traditions are not sciences and thus
    cannot be relied upon to provide scientific
    argument or evidence

20
Acceptance
  • Although in Eastern traditions and in ACT, we had
    reason to believe that acceptance was an active
    ingredient in positive clinical outcomes and
    psychological well-being generally, there was
    almost no empirical evidence to attest to this
  • Furthermore, positive empirical evidence for the
    impact of acceptance would to some extent
    undermine positivity for the main existing
    alternative that was cognitive control which
    functionally may be seen as the opposite of
    acceptance
  • It should also be added that empirical evidence
    for cognitive control as an active ingredient in
    CBT is relatively scarce, in spite of its wide
    usage

21
Acceptance
  • So, thus far, we had some comfort in the
    terminology that suggested a dichotomy between
    acceptance and avoidance
  • But, acceptance as a clinical tool was something
    else
  • In our first empirical analysis of acceptance as
    a mechanism of change, we set out with a very
    simple aim -- to see if we could construct a
    short, but potent, acceptance intervention that
    would be functionally similar to what is
    presented in therapy, but which might just work
    in an experimental context
  • This was demonstration research of the simplest
    kind

22
Study 3
  • During Study 3, normal participants were simply
    presented with a computerised task in which they
    were asked to match a lot of neutral pictures and
    a small number of horrible aversive pictures
    (e.g. mutilated bodies)
  • The former pictures simply represented an
    experimental control, while the latter
    represented our core effort to provide
    participants with a clinical strategy they could
    use to deal with unpleasant psychological/visual
    content

23
Avoiding Negative Images
  • Because the matching was too simple to function
    as a dependent variable, we targeted
    participants willingness to look at the aversive
    pictures by (1) giving them the option to avoid
    the pictures altogether before the trial and
    counting how many they looked at and (2)
    observing how long they would endure them on
    screen

24
Acceptance or Control
  • Participants were exposed to the baseline
    matching task, the intervention, and then the
    task again
  • Both interventions involved the presentation of a
    vignette in which participants were asked to --
    imagine that they had witnessed a horrific car
    accident in which they had to rescue the badly
    injured and bloodied victims from the car and to
    imagine that they found the sight of blood
    extremely aversive
  • They were then given a coping strategy/interventio
    n to help them deal with the vignette (and to
    influence their subsequent performances on the
    negative pictures)

25
Acceptance vs. Control
  • Participants in Cognitive Control were instructed
    to try to control their emotional reactions and
    to avoid feelings of discomfort (e.g. by imaging
    that the blood was just like tomato ketchup)
  • Participants in Acceptance were instructed to
    fully embrace their feelings of discomfort (i.e.
    to fully accept that trying to save the bloodied
    and mutilated victims would be the most horrific
    experience of their lives)

26
Experimenter Influence
  • Experimenter influence were also manipulated by
    altering the instructions and the extent to which
    the experimenter monitored the matching
    performances
  • During the No Instruction/No Monitoring
    conditions, participants were informed that it
    did not matter whether they looked at the
    negative pictures (i.e. no instruction) and the
    experimenter sat approximately 30 feet away and
    pretended to read a book (no monitoring)
  • During the Instruction/Monitoring conditions,
    participants were told that it was very important
    to look at the negative pictures (instruction)
    and the experimenter walked around actively
    monitoring performances (monitoring)

27
Results
  • The results of the study failed to differentiate
    between the two groups on the number of aversives
    observed
  • However, they did differ in their mean response
    latencies while the aversives were on the screen
    (i.e. aversive tolerance time)

28
Mean Response Times Neutral Pictures








On the neutral pictures, there were no changes at
all between Baseline and Post-intervention, as
expected
29
Mean Response Times Aversive Pictures




  • But, on the aversive pictures, Acceptance and
    Control differed significantly when combined with
    Instruction/Monitoring (p 0.002)
  • Strategy and Experimenter Influence interacted
    significantly

30
Discussion
  • The Acceptance strategy increased participants
    tolerance time in the presence of the aversive
    pictures (when combined with active experimenter
    influence)
  • Control did not and decreased tolerance in both
    cases
  • While both strategy outcomes appeared to be
    influenced by the social context, further
    analyses indicated that this primarily affected
    the extent to which participants applied the
    strategies, rather than affecting the strategies
    directly (i.e. the strategies were applied more
    when the experimenter attended)
  • This was our first empirical evidence that
    acceptance could be delivered as a brief
    therapeutic intervention in an experimental
    context and was associated with positive outcomes
  • Cognitive control was in fact counter-productive
    in terms of altering aversive tolerance when the
    images were present

31
Acceptance vs. Control with Pain
  • In Study 4, we were concerned that the data so
    far would not generalise to physical pain and the
    psychological content associated with that
    perhaps different outcomes would emerge relative
    to coping with aversive visual imagery
  • So, we exposed participants to systematic
    electric shocks
  • This was based on a previous study by Gutierrez,
    Luciano, Rodriguez, and Fink who compared
    acceptance and control as coping interventions
    with electric shock with 40 undergraduates
  • They reported that Acceptance not only increased
    shock tolerance, but also reduced participants
    believability of their own subjective pain ratings

32
Our Study
  • Although the original study was entirely
    consistent with our own findings thus far, there
    was increasing concern within the community about
    experimental precision but this was hard to
    offset against external validity
  • So in Study 4, we tried to come up with a format
    that was fully automated (hence experimentally
    clean), but that would still allow the
    interventions to be impactful
  • We did some refinement of the Acceptance and
    Control exercises and metaphors to remove
    possible confounds
  • And we began to look at values as an active
    addition to acceptance

33
Design
  • 40 normal participants were assigned to four
    conditions

Intervention Values Context Pre-Intervention Post-Intervention
Acceptance High
Acceptance Low
Control High
Control Low
34
Delivery
  • The entire procedure was automated through a
    program containing a series of video clips
  • Participants progressed through the clips at
    their own pace, individually and alone
  • Clips were rated first by independent observers,
    for consistency, adherence and empathy and were
    found to not differ in any capacity

35
Delivery
36
Acceptance High/Low Values
A Participants were provided with metaphors and
experiential exercises indicating that the best
way to deal with pain related thoughts and
feelings was to accept them in the context of
whatever action is being taken
HV Participants were asked to imagine that they
suffered from chronic pain and that the task
involving shock was one which they must do in
order to support their family LV Participants
were told that the aim of the experiment was to
contribute to research on the relation between
voltage level and perception of shock
37
Control High/Low Values
C Participants were given metaphors and
experiential exercises designed to teach them
that the best way to deal with pain related
thoughts and feelings was to distract themselves
by imagining pleasant images
HV Participants were asked to imagine that they
suffer from chronic pain and that the task
involving shock was one which they must do in
order to support their family LV Participants
were told that the aim of the experiment was to
contribute to research on the relation between
voltage level and perception of shock
38
Shock Tolerance Data
  • The Acceptance participants significantly
    increased their shock tolerance from pre- to
    post-intervention
  • Control produced no change

39
Self-Report Data
Low Pain
  • There was an interesting effect for values
    although there was no significant main effect,
    High Values participants rated the pain as
    greater across time, whereas Low Values rated it
    as less

40
Tolerating High Pain
  • We wanted to check whether some of the effects
    were driven by people who had different
    perceptions of how much pain they were in -- so
    we examined only those reporting great pain more
    closely
  • 100 of participants in Acceptance who reported
    greater experienced pain Post-Intervention showed
    an increase in tolerance levels, compared to only
    50 of the same sub-set of Control (significant
    p 0.0455)
  • We also analysed the number of trials for which
    participants continued in the Post-Intervention
    task after reporting high levels of pain (gt 80)
    and found that the median number of trials for
    Acceptance was 4, compared to 2 for Control
    (significant p 0.0069)

41
Discussion
  • So as an intervention, Acceptance worked better
    than Control in the context of experimentally
    physical pain in the form of electric shock
  • Changes in tolerance were particularly strong for
    participants experiencing a lot of pain and using
    Acceptance
  • The effects were the same as those reported by
    other researchers even in a highly structured
    automated experimental environment
  • While the Values manipulation did not have a
    significant effect on shock tolerance, it did
    affect self-reports of pain, in that participants
    in High Values reported more pain subsequent to
    the intervention (perhaps the values component
    oriented them more towards their pain, but not in
    an avoidant way)

42
Study 5 Simple Rules
  • One issue that had been emerging across
    experiments was the possibility that participants
    were not really engaging with the various
    features of the interventions (i.e. the exercises
    and metaphors), but that they were simply
    generating or following simple rules
  • So, in Study 5, we compared the full Acceptance
    and Control interventions used before, but added
    two new interventions that simply comprised of an
    Acceptance Rule and a Control Rule -- a brief and
    simple rule for accepting or distracting
  • In this study, we also employed a Placebo
    Condition

43
Experimental Conditions
Acceptance Rule Acceptance Rule, Metaphor Exercise Control Rule Control Rule, Metaphor Exercise Placebo
44
Tolerance Data
  • Only Full Acceptance increased tolerance
    significantly from Pre- to Post-Intervention, but
    none of the other four
  • Distraction-Rule actually decreased tolerance
    significantly

45
More Pain More Shocks
  • Again, we looked at those participants who
    reported more pain and still took more shocks and
    found that these were mostly in the Acceptance
    Conditions

46
Discussion
  • So, the positive acceptance outcomes thus far
    could not be explained in terms of simple rule
    following the metaphors and exercises were
    essential
  • When these were absent, the moderate improvement
    in pain tolerance for an acceptance rule was
    non-significant
  • Although Distraction effects are again negligible
  • Distraction actually makes you worse when it
    comes in the form of a simple rule

47
Different Pain Same Outcome
  • The next study (Study 6) was also concerned
    acceptance, but attempted to broaden the
    generality of the work by employing a new type of
    pain induction, that might circumvent criticisms
    that electric shock is not a good analogue of
    clinical pain
  • So, three groups of participants were assigned
    to
  • Acceptance
  • Control
  • Placebo
  • And were exposed to the radiant heat pad in a
    fully automated procedure

48
Heat Apparatus
49
Results
  • At baseline, the groups did not differ on a
    series of psychological measures
  • And the amount of heat tolerance was tightly
    controlled

50
Tolerance Data
  • Both Acceptance and Control increased pain
    tolerance, but only Acceptance was significant


51
Discussion
  • So, positive outcomes again for acceptance now
    a total of six experiments
  • Acceptance is always significantly better than
    Control, which had negligible effects
  • Outcomes so far have included tightly controlled
    experimental environments, a range of populations
    and numerous experimental methodologies and types
    of pain
  • The data overall are highly consistent with ACTs
    centrality for acceptance and its predictions on
    avoidance
  • The ERPs data were consistent with both ACT and
    RFT and added legitimacy to the outcomes and
    methodologies

52
One Query?
  • But one thing troubled us and we had seen it in
    research by other labs
  • In some studies, there had been positive (albeit
    limited and never significant) outcomes for
    Cognitive Control
  • So, in the radiant heat research, we began to
    look more closely at our interventions and those
    used in other studies
  • In the heat study, in particular, we noticed that
    part of the Control intervention involved saying
    a pain-related thought aloud before participants
    tried to distract themselves from it

53
Revisions
  • So, we thought that it might just be possible
    that this feature offered a type of defusion, or
    at least cognitive distancing, that may have
    attributed to the outcomes
  • And we set about modifying the Control
    intervention so as to eliminate this potential
    confound (Study 7)
  • Our new condition was called Control Revised
  • And we were amazed at what we found . . .

54
Tolerance Data
  • The effects for Acceptance were exactly the same
  • But, Control had no effect at all, and in fact
    increased pain tolerance was decreasing


55
Discussion
  • So, even the small improvements that had been
    previously recorded for Cognitive Control may not
    have functioned in the way that was intended
  • Some of the experimental interventions had
    spurious features that enabled aspects of
    defusion to creep into the Control protocols
  • In our latter heat experiment in which this
    feature was addressed directly, the effects for
    Control could not be differentiated from Placebo

56
Values
57
Investigating Values
  • But, of course, there is more to ACT than
    acceptance and much of what we do in the therapy
    depends upon the combination of active
    ingredients rather than simply a series of
    incoherent or unintegrated steps
  • However, as much as possible, we try to isolate
    the components individually for experimental
    purposes to get a better understanding of
    outcomes and processes
  • So, we turned our attention next to Values
  • But note, that where we had looked at values
    before, the outcomes were mixed and it would be
    very difficult to deliver values as a solitary
    intervention

58
Values
  • We have done only one study (Study 8) to date
    looking specifically at values
  • This study was conducted in Spain and attempted
    primarily to assess the influence of a values
    clarification exercise
  • Although two types of exposure to painful private
    events were also compared (writing down versus
    experiential exercise) across three conditions

Values Clarification Values Clarification Writing Values Clarification Experiential Exercise
59
Values
  • 10 participants were assessed on personal
    barriers, valuable actions and areas of valued
    living affected by problems and barriers

Subject 2
Values Clarification
  • Values Clarification alone quickly and steadily
    reduced barriers and improved reports of valued
    living and effect enhanced across time

60
Values Clarification Writing
  • Values Clarification Writing alone showed a
    similar outcome, but the decrease in barriers was
    less
  • Values Clarification Exercise alone was similar
  • Overall, the type of exposure to private events
    did not matter greatly, and these even softened
    the effects relative to Values Clarification
    alone

Values Clarification Exercise
61
Discussion
  • So, some positive effects for values
    clarification
  • No matter, how you do it, a simple values
    clarification exercise helps to increase the
    extent of actual valued living and decrease
    barriers to same
  • There were some minor differences in terms of how
    this can be done, but these were minimal
  • The data also identified what appeared to be a
    functional relationship between decreases in
    barriers and improvements in valued living
  • These are entirely consistent with ACT
    predictions regarding how private events can
    function as barriers and how these can be altered
    with values

62
Defusion
63
Defusion
  • But, no-one would think for a second that ACT
    would be ACT without defusion
  • In fact, defusion, it seems is the gel that glues
    the active ingredients together
  • In fact, acceptance is often difficult when
    defusion is not in place
  • Also, for RFT the deliteralisation effects that
    underpin defusion techniques are central to ACTs
    outcomes, so in ways studying defusion is perhaps
    the best test of the relationship between the
    theory and the therapy

64
Defusion
  • When we started looking at defusion, we had only
    one previous study by Masuda et al. (2004) to
    work from
  • They attempted to assess the impact of word
    repetition on believability and discomfort levels
    associated with negative self-relevant words
    (e.g. anxious, anxious, anxious etc.)
  • Their findings indicated that the use of a
    defusion rationale produced greater reductions in
    discomfort and believability about the words when
    compared to a thought suppression rationale or a
    distraction task

65
Defusion
  • In this study (Study 9) , we automated the
    presentation of 20 positive and 20 negative
    self-statements
  • This generated a total of 60 statements because
    there were three exposures to each statement
  • After the appearance in screen of each statement,
    participants were asked to provide ratings
    regarding their reactions to the statements in
    terms of
  • Comfort
  • Believability
  • Willingness

66
Defusion
  • We manipulated defusion in two ways
  • (1) Defusion Instructions
  • The 80 undergraduates were randomly assigned to
  • Defusion Condition (pro-defusion instructions)
  • Anti-Defusion Condition (anti-defusion
    instructions)
  • Neutral Condition (neutral-defusion instructions)

67
Defusion Instructions
  • In the current experiment, we are interested in
    the emotional impact of unusual self-statements.
    The scientific literature in this area shows that
    if you rephrase a self-statement like I am an
    awful person into I am having the thought that
    I am an awful person, then the emotional impact
    of the statement is reduced
  • In other words, thinking or saying words like I
    am having the thought that I am an awful person
    is easier to deal with than simply thinking or
    saying I am an awful person

68
Defusion
  • (2) Defusion in Visual Format
  • We wanted to see the extent to which defusion
    within the visual presentation of the
    self-statements would give rise to
    defusion-predictable outcomes
  • To manipulate this, we employed three types of
    presentation format for each statement
  • Normal
  • Defusion
  • Abnormal

69
Normal Negative Self-Statement
Deep down there is something wrong with me
70
Defusion Negative Self-Statement
I am having the thought that deep down there is
something wrong with me
71
Abnormal Negative Self-Statement
I have a wooden chair and deep down there is
something wrong with me
72
Results Comfort
  • The (pro) defusion instructions were correlated
    with less discomfort than the other two types of
    instruction
  • As was the defusion presentation format

73
Results Willingness
  • The (pro) defusion instructions were correlated
    with more willingness than the other two types of
    instruction
  • As was the defusion presentation format very
    similar results to comfort ratings

74
Results Believability
  • Contrary to predictions, the (pro) defusion
    instructions were correlated with more
    believability than the other two types of
    instruction
  • As was the defusion presentation format very
    similar results to comfort and willingness ratings

75
Discussion
  • Although they looked impactful in the ratings,
    the defusion instructions did not have a
    significant influence
  • However, the Defused presentation format
    significantly decreased discomfort, increased
    willingness, but unexpectedly increased
    believability
  • However, on closer inspection of the data and
    other information gathered from participants it
    may be the case that they were rating the
    believability of whole statements I am having
    the thought that . . rather than the content
    itself this is not unlike defusion

76
Discussion
  • So, increases in willingness to having negative
    self-referential content were consistent with
    ACTs predictions regarding defusion
  • Believability ratings, upon closer inspection,
    suggested that the defused format decreased
    participants believability of the content
    directly
  • Decreases in discomfort were not directly
    predicted by ACT, but such outcomes are positive
    although they would not be targeted directly

77
Defusion Interventions
  • In the previous study, we had assessed simple
    impacts for defusion and found that it generated
    positive and largely ACT consistent outcomes even
    when defusion occurred within the visual
    presentation of the content
  • But, if we employed defusion as an intervention,
    as had been the case for Masuda et al., would we
    find similar outcomes?
  • Study 10 attempted to address this question

78
Study 10
  • Participants generated a personalised negative
    self-relevant thought that represented a summary
    of several related personal statements
  • They were then given a written protocol that
    contained an instruction followed by an exercise
  • The three protocols were
  • Defusion
  • Thought Control
  • Placebo

79
Experimental Conditions
Rationale Exercise
Defusion Defusion
Thought Control Thought Control
Defusion Thought Control
Thought Control Defusion
Defusion Placebo
Thought Control Placebo
Placebo Defusion
Placebo Thought Control
Placebo Placebo
80
Method
  • Once again, the emotional impact of the negative
    self-referential statements was measured in terms
    of
  • Discomfort
  • Believability
  • Willingness

81
Results Comfort
Uncomfortable
100
80
60
40
20
Pre-Intervention
0
Post-Intervention
Comfortable
Condition
  • All interventions with a defusion component
    generated decreases in discomfort
  • But, the largest effects were DD and PD,
    suggesting activity in the defusion exercise

82
Results Comfort
  • Interestingly, the only significant differences
    pre- and post-intervention emerged for the
    following conditions
  • Placebo-Defusion
  • Defusion-Placebo
  • Defusion-Defusion
  • Thought Control-Thought Control

83
Results Believability
Believable
Pre-Intervention
Post-Intervention
Unbelievable
Condition
  • All effects were in the right direction of
    decreasing believability
  • But, D-D and TC-D showed largest decreases in
    believability

84
Results Believability
  • The only significant differences pre- and
    post-intervention emerged for the following
    conditions
  • Placebo-Defusion
  • Placebo-Thought Control
  • Defusion-Placebo
  • Defusion-Defusion
  • Defusion-Thought Control
  • Thought Control-Defusion
  • Thought Control-Thought Control
  • So, a very mixed bag overall

85
Results Willingness
  • All effects were in the right direction of
    decreasing unwillingess
  • But, D-TC was the only significant outcome

86
Discussion
  • Quite a mixed bag overall
  • But, generally most positive effects in predicted
    directions for packages containing defusion
    features
  • Defusion exercise appeared to be somewhat more
    effective than a simple rationale

87
Concluding Comments
88
Concluding Comments
  • There are many more analogue studies completed
    and underway than those reported here
  • The effects for ACT components across the board
    are predominantly as predicted and compare
    favourably with substantively weaker outcomes
    generated by target comparisons
  • The range of issues generated by the studies
    shows the complexity of the effects and the
    difficulty in conducting high quality research in
    this modality
  • As studies progress, the standard of experimental
    rigour is exceptional

89
Concluding Comments
  • Automated interventions
  • Balancing for gender
  • Balancing for heat tolerance, acceptance etc.
  • Pre-screening with relevant psychological
    assessments
  • Including self-report measures
  • Blind experimenter
  • Use of different types of physical and
    psychological stressors
  • Use of non-clinical populations
  • Very substantive N in some cases
  • Interventions are very closely matched,
    topographically and functionally
  • Range of ACT components tested

90
Concluding Comments
  • We are now in a place where these types of
    analyses can be done effectively and with high
    levels of precision
  • The evidence is overwhelmingly positive . . .
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