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Title: Constructional%20Profiles%20as%20the%20Basis%20of%20Semantic%20Analysis


1
Constructional Profiles as theBasis of Semantic
Analysis
  • Suzanne Kemmer
  • Rice University
  • kemmer_at_rice.edu

2
Introduction
  • Construction Grammar defines constructions as
    linguistic units that necessarily have some
    non-compositional semantics
  • Constructions have some aspect of meaning that is
    not reducible to (or predictable from) its
    component parts (or other constructions)
  • And, constructions are argued to be necessary as
    a construct in any theory of grammar.

3
Why do we need constructions?
  • One argument for the indispensability of
    constructions in grammatical analysis comes from
    Coercion Effects (Michaelis 2002)

4
Constructions and Coercion
  • Constructions explain how certain expected
    semantic anomalies do not materialize.
  • Give me some pillow!
  • Elements in some sentences are expected to clash
    by virtue of their incompatible semantics, based
    on their distribution outside the construction.

5
Constructions override lexical meaning
  • Constructions fill in semantic substance and
    overcome semantic incompatibility of component
    parts through override
  • I slept my way across the Atlantic.
  • Sleep -- lack of motion specification
  • Sentence as a whole -- describes motion with
    concomitant sleeping
  • pit the cherries, dust the furniture, bone the
    filet
  • conventionalized semantic elements added
    motion, directionality

6
Investigating constructional semantics
  • We can investigate the semantics of constructions
    in various ways. Most relevant here
  • 1. Observation of distributional properties at
    sentence level contrasts
  • Syntactic properties are diagnostics or clues to
    semantics (as per assumption of close nature of
    the syntax-semantics relation of CL) via
    acceptability patterns in arrays of minimally
    contrasting examples.
  • Semantics can be investigated by observing
    lexical items in mainly clause level contexts and
    observing anomalies and compatibilities that make
    such utterances less or more acceptable.
  • Lakoff (1987) and Langacker (1987, 1991) inter
    alia analyze constructions (also lexical items)
    using this methodology.
  • 2. Observation of distributions of recurring
    elements in a construction in large samples of
    language use

7
Investigating constructional semantics
  • We should employ any methodologies that prove
    useful
  • Ideal convergence of multiple sources of
    evidence gathered via different methodologies
  • Second method gives insight into some semantic
    properties otherwise inaccessible (on assumption
    that frequency is a reflection of degree of
    entrenchment, which is itself a part of the
    system).

8
What else can we get?
  • Observing constructions also contributes to an
    understanding of the important mechanism of
    coercion
  • How does it work?
  • How and to what extent can it forestall anomaly?

9
Who uses corpora?
  • Who uses large corpora for the cognitive semantic
    analysis of constructions? Consider
  • British, Scandinavian, and American schools
  • Sinclair, Stubbs, Stig Johanson, Hunston and
    Francis, Biber. Corpora yes, cognitive semantic
    analysis of constructions, no or minimal
  • Construction Grammarians
  • Fillmore, Kay, Michaelis, Croft, Goldberg, and
    their students
  • Corpora, no or not primarily semantic analysis
    is largely done by the first method above
  • Corpus-construction grammarians
  • Boas, Fried, Gries, Lambrecht, Michaelis, Östman,
    Stefanowitsch, and students.
  • Corpora yes, cognitive semantic analyses, yes
  • Corpus-cognitive linguists
  • Barlow, Geeraerts, Kemmer, Verhagen and students
  • Corpora yes, cognitive semantic analysis yes

10
Results and ongoing research
  • The Corpus-CG and Corpus-CL groups have in
    common
  • Bottom-up analyses of particular constructions.
    Visual inspection for patterns via keywords in
    context and sorting typically statistical data
  • Analysis of constructional semantics,
    identification of theoretical issues in CL/CG
  • Inclusion of units at varying levels of
    specificity
  • See Rohde 2001 Boas 2002, Gries and
    Stefanowitsch 2002 Stefanowitsch and Gries 2003,
    Fried 2004 studies appearing in Achard and
    Kemmer 2004 and Oestman and Fried 2005 Hilpert
    (to appear a, to appear b) Taylor (to appear)

11
Diachrony
  • Several diachronic studies in Cognitive
    Linguistics and, more recently,Construction
    Grammar, using corpora
  • Carey 1994, Israel 1995, Ziegler 2002, Diewald,
    Gilquain 2004, Kemmer and Hilpert (forthcoming)

12
Two perspectives
  • Focus on individual lexemes
  • many analyses of 1980s and 1990s still current
  • polysemy networks containing linked senses of
    prepositions, cases, etc.
  • Kemmer (1993) added links to conceptually
    neighboring concepts in a multidimensional
    semantic/conceptual space (constructions not
    foregrounded)
  • Focus on the construction as the unit of
    observation
  • Integration of lexical semantic information with
    constructional specifications

13
Item-based vs. construction-based
  • Lexical perspective continues a venerable
    tradition of focus on words
  • Words (more precisely lexical roots) are
    certainly salient cognitive units
  • Speakers access word meaning much more easily
    than meaning of linguistic units of other sizes
    or greater schematicity
  • sublexical morphemes, constructions, sentences
  • BUT there are some very good reasons for the
    switch to viewing linguistic knowledge from a
    constructional perspective.

14
Motivating the constructional view
  • Traditional polysemy networks, although focusing
    on lexical items, actually require observation of
    lexemes in larger chunks of language
  • Linked senses are structured by relative
    closeness of senses as determined by the
    closeness of the relations of the contextualized
    examples (representing types of uses)
  • The standard methodology for distinguishing word
    senses is to posit different linguistic contexts
    in which the senses become clearly disambiguated
  • Example the ring on my finger vs. he was knocked
    right out of the ring
  • the desired sense is the only one compatible with
    the surrounding material.
  • Thus Distribution of lexical items in larger
    structures is how we can tell the range of
    senses/uses of a lexical item

15
Senses often correlate with constructions
  • For relational units, the various senses of a
    given lexical unit are actually associated with
    constructions.
  • Static vs. dynamic senses of the English
    prepositions are parts of constructions that
    express static and dynamic spatial senses
  • over (the hill) hovered over the hill, flew
    over the hill
  • Prep NP V-static over NP, V-motion over NP
  • Senses of verbs are in most cases correlated with
    different constructions (e.g. roll (tr., caused
    motion) vs. roll (intr., autonomous motion)
  • Following Goldberg (1995), Construction
    Grammarians reject positing extra verb senses
  • an extra sense for sneeze in she sneezed the
    napkin off the table seems absurd

16
Bidirectional links
  • But Langacker (2003) points out there are many
    verbs that have a strong associative link to a
    particular construction.
  • give is extremely frequent in the ditransitive
    compared to other verbs
  • The ditransitive construction is extremely
    frequent with give.
  • The usage-based model predicts, based on
    frequency, that there is a highly
    conventionalized link to the ditransitive that is
    part of our knowledge of give.
  • If so, give is an access point to the
    ditransitive construction and its associated
    frame
  • Hypothesis The links between lexical item and
    constructions reach in both directions
  • We posit both nodes as units if both are
    conventionalized. Give may activate the
    ditransitive just as the construction primes the
    word.

17
The usage-based model
  • In the usage-based model, links in a linguistic
    knowledge network are viewed as activation
    pathways with potentially bidirectional
    activation flows (cf. Lamb 2000)
  • Predicts that strongly entrenched links could
    potentially go in either direction.
  • Converges with findings from neurology suggesting
    that links between neurons and between cortical
    columns have physically distinct pathways that
    can have differential activation strength.

18
Predictions
  • Viewing the links as potentially bidirectional
    makes some predictions
  • It should be possible for there to be
    dissociation between the relative strengths of an
    activation path directed from a lexical item to a
    construction, and another in the opposite
    direction.
  • Evidence from distributional studies show that
    some individual verbs occur very frequently in a
    particular construction, like wriggle in the way
    construction (the baby wriggled its way out of
    the playpen) and not at all often, relatively
    speaking, outside the construction. Other
    examples in Gries and Stefanowitsch 2005.

19
The usage-based model
  • Conversely, a verb like make occurs frequently in
    the construction, but only as a function of its
    high overall frequency.
  • Thus, affinity to the way construction not as
    tight
  • Prediction wriggle should have a stronger
    priming effect on the construction than make.
  • Psycholinguistic evidence Goldberg 2004 for give
    and ditransitive
  • Still, the way construction does have a strong
    link to make.
  • Prediction
  • The construction allows a wide range of verbs,
    but given no special semantic properties the
    speaker desires to convey, the speaker is likely
    to choose make over other possibilities because
    s/he has a great deal of experience of that
    choice, which effectively increases, by repeated
    memory, the likelihood of activation of make
    --unless there is some overriding reason to make
    another choice (desire to express manner of
    motion, for example).
  • I think of this as long-term priming.

20
More on preference for constructions
Constructions and events
  • Argument structure constructions are used to form
    more event-sized conceptualizations than single
    words.
  • Such constructions are likely to be rather
    crucial units relied on by speakers to make an
    intial chunking of reality into a manageable and
    manipulable portion of conceptual structure, as
    suggested by Talmy 2000.
  • If this is true, then starting from the
    construction and investigating it with regard to
    what smaller units occur in it habitually/conventi
    onally is more likely to result in an analysis
    that is something like what the speaker knows
    about how words are used.
  • The speakers main experience with word usage, in
    fact, even from the earliest childhood, is in the
    context of larger utterances that the adult uses
    before child can even talk generally speaking,
    constructions.

21
Constructions and events
  • The constructional perspective puts us into the
    realm of meaning which is much more like the
    kinds of meanings that speakers deal more
    normally with in language use.
  • It is difficult for speakers to define either
    words or constructions
  • When they do try to define words, they have to
    activate memories of contexts similar to those in
    which they heard the word used, i.e. they have to
    try to come up with an imagined context similar
    to one they experienced, or an actual remembered
    context for the usage.
  • Novice linguists sometimes try to imagine a
    situational context without a linguistic context,
    which gives them much more trouble coming up with
    accurate usage generalizations.
  • They have to be trained to think of specific
    linguistic utterances that will allow them to
    more precisely explore the word in something more
    like the typical contexts in which they have
    heard it, and in which it contributes to an
    overall semantically integrated
    conceptualization.
  • It is an empirical fact that speakers most
    typically process constructions in usage, and not
    isolated words, given that most conversation
    occurs in construction-like chunks and not in
    isolated words.

22
Constructions and processing
  • Constructions have more utility to speakers for
    choosing compatible lexical items to use with the
    construction than vice versa.
  • But by hypothesis, lexical elements which hardly
    occur outside the construction can trigger it, so
    that the effects might go the other way.
  • In the process of arguing for the necessity of
    constructions in grammatical theory, some
    important empirical findings about constructions
    have emerged (Goldberg 2004)
  • Speakers use constructions to interpret lexical
    items
  • Argument structure constructions aid children to
    learn new words
  • These findings make perfect sense if we accept
    the view that constructions are extremely
    important in language processing, even if they
    are below the level of consciousness (like most
    grammatical units).
  • For purposes of guiding the precise activation
    links that will allow instantaneous accessing of
    appropriate lexical items, constructions, on this
    view, would be crucial processing units.

23
Rohde 2001
  • Study of the relations between lexical items and
    constructions that used substantial corpora as a
    basis for drawing cognitive semantic conclusions
    about those relations
  • Rohde investigated a large range of English
    motion verbs and their co-occurrence patterns
    with a range of prepositions in a motion verb
    preposition NP schematic construction frame.
  • Found strong distributional correlations between
    motion verbs and particular prepositions and in
    fact with particular senses of the prepositions,
    essentially corresponding to particular
    constructions.
  • Results showed that particular verbs have
    affinities for particular prepositions and vice
    versa (and--links have different strengths as
    measured by frequency.)

24
Rohde 2001
  • Patterns of affinity were also found at a more
    general level, involving verb classes defined by
    particular semantic properties.
  • Affinity patterns reflect entrenched semantic
    properties of particular units
  • Heightened compatibility makes the lexical items
    more likely to be used in the constructions
    reduced compatibility reduces the frequency of
    the less compatible item.
  • Compatibility has a strong effect on frequency.
  • For example, the verb escape occurs extremely
    frequently with source prepositions like from.
    Most other motion verbs in English prefer goal
    prepositions, with varying degrees of preference.
    Rohde concluded that a source (rather than
    goal) image schema is strongly conventionally
    linked with the lexical item escape.
  • We can also take the constructional point of view
    of the same phenomenon and say that the
    semi-specified construction X escape PREP N is
    strongly conventionally linked with source
    prepositions, whereas a similar construction with
    go is linked with goal prepositions.

25
Coercion in action
  • Evidence for the key role of constructions in
    constructing meaning comes from acceptability
    judgments.
  • It has been demonstrated that constructions
    coerce lexical items interpretations (Michaelis
    2002 and refs.), whereas the opposite has not
    been demonstrated.
  • Example of semantic incompatibility
  • I walked into the room.
  • I squinted into the room.
  • supposed to be badand is if one is thinking of
    the caused motion construction

26
Coercion
  • Now consider
  • (1) She looked into the room.
  • (2) She squinted into the room.
  • (3) She squinted through the window.
  • (4) She squinted through her glasses.
  • (5) She peered through her glasses.
  • (1) expresses an event of directed vision. (2)
    has a context involving a somewhat similar visual
    event for squint. Its better than it was on
    previous slide.
  • Subsequent sentences get better and better. Why?

27
Coercion explained
  • The frame semantics of squinting are associated
    with a typical purpose of squinting to make ones
    vision better temporarily by deforming the cornea
    with the surrounding eye muscles.
  • Squinting, then, often occurs to improve vision
    that is somehow impaired, possibly in part due to
    a barrier to vision such as intervening dirty
    window glass. The more overtly we add a barrier
    to visibility to the context, the more we improve
    semantic compatibility and thus the better the
    sentence sounds.
  • Claim these sorts of acceptability judgments tap
    into some speaker knowledge relating knowledge of
    lexical items to constructions. (That knowledge
    itself was originally derived from experience
    using those lexical items in larger
    constructions).
  • If true, we would expect that speaker knowledge
    to be also reflected in frequency patterns. In
    fact we predict the following

28
Predictions (requiring testing)
  • An increasing degree of semantic distance of a
    lexical item (i.e. it contains some
    incompatibility) from a conventional construction
    type will
  • increase unacceptability of the particular
    lexical item in the construction
  • increase need for additional linguistic context
    with additional elements that highlight some
    compatible semantic feature of the target item,
    if that item is to be produced or interpreted as
    acceptable.
  • This is the implicit basis of many linguistic
    arguments for semantics of particular elements.

29
More predictions
  • If an utterance is ambiguous, increasing
    distance/incompatibility should decrease the
    likelihood that the reading with greater semantic
    incompatibility will be chosen.
  • Decrease likelihood of production (compared with
    more compatible units)
  • Decrease frequency of production (compared with
    more compatible units)
  • Extra contextual information (linguistic or just
    situational) needed for production.
  • I gave it a little kick.
  • I gave the lever (on the handlebar) a little kick
    with my thumb.

30
Problems
  • How to quantify, or at least operationalize how
    to judge, degree of semantic similarity/difference
    , closeness/distance, compatibility/incompatibilit
    y.
  • How to corroborate Linguists interested in
    semantics can usually come up with an analysis
    that is intuitively satisfying, but little
    psycholinguistic experimentation has been done
  • Productivity When is coercion OK, when not?
  • Individual variation
  • Relation of innovation of an extension and its
    spread

31
Testability
  • Unfortunately, the last two predictions, about
    the decreasing likelihood of production (and
    hence decreasing frequency) are rarely examined.
  • The subtle contrasts used by linguists to test
    the boundaries of a construction are rarely
    present in corpora, because as phenomena near the
    boundary there are not likely to be many
    instances, if any.
  • However, we can still make the prediction and
    with a large enough corpus, it should be borne
    out if the assumptions about the relation of
    usage and linguistic knowledge are correct.

32
Potential problems
  • Why dont Construction Grammarians in general try
    to determine the semantics of constructions they
    work on by examining the lexical items that
    occur in them most often? Why is this left to a
    few Corpus-construction people?
  • Possible reasons
  • Not all constructions occur with specific
    recurrent lexical items (or classes of items).
  • (but even some surprisingly , general argument
    structure constructions do, like the passive)

33
Potential problems
  • Or, it might be more serious
  • Construction Grammarians (unlike Cognitive
    Linguistics) often do not take the usage-based
    model to heart and concern themselves with
    mechanisms of production and interpretation.
  • Construction grammar analyses and theoretical
    descriptions simply do not bring processing
    considerations into the picture.
  • Possibly this is because Construction Grammarians
    are agnostic about what exactly happens when
    language is used.
  • Backgrounding of processing aspects to CG may be
    the real reason that it is so rare to encounter
    investigations which use frequency data by most
    Construction Grammarians.

34
Corpus-Construction Grammarians and Corpus
Cognitive Linguists
  • The small community of Corpus-Construction
    Grammarians also are by and large strong
    cognitivists familiar with the implications of
    the usage-based model for the theoretical side of
    the model, and not just for selection of data.
  • So they, along with Corpus Cognitive Linguists,
    are prepared to use corpora seriously to discover
    the cognitive semantics associated with
    constructions.

35
The make-causative
  • The make-causative shows strongly marked
    distributional asymmetries suggesting it is not a
    generalized causative construction, but instead
    has specific semantic properties.
  • 3 senses of the make causative construction in
    English
  • mechanical action we need to make it work
  • emotional reaction it made me feel good
  • compulsion make you cant make me marry him
  • Frequency patterns of animacy of causer and
    causee shows clusterings of 3 senses. (Kemmer
    2001 2005)

36
The make-causative
  • The make causative has its own unique
    constructional profile of elements that
    typically occur with it and which relate to its
    function as a construction.
  • These characteristic distribution patterns are
    found with many constructions
  • (e.g. English passive Dutch laten and doen
    causatives German lassen causative English let
    and have causatives into causative, split
    infinitives, Swedish future)
  • Also, distributional observation of the predicate
    complements of make causative show a relatively
    narrow range of complements.
  • The set of verbs with the widest range of
    predicates, correlating semantically with the
    compulsion use, is the least frequent in type
    frequency and overall token frequency.
  • But most predicates are far more restricted,
    falling into a number of semantic subclasses, but
    grouping into just 2 main classes (mechanical
    action emotional reaction). These also correlate
    with the clusterings of animacy causer/causee
    types. Thus we have two pieces of formal,
    distributional evidence that fingerprint the
    construction their interpretation results in a
    unique semantic profile the constructional
    semantics of the make causative.

37
The make-causative
  • Moreover, the make causative shows some
    interactional effects between the predicates
    selected in it, and the senses of those
    predicates.
  • The make causative effectively constrains the
    interpretation of the predicates, where they are
    polysemous.
  • For example,
  • In
  • I worked
  • And
  • It worked
  • The default readings are senses of work that
    respectively correlate with the animate and
    inanimate subjects in the examples.

38
The make-causative
  • However, in the make causative, the sense of work
    that occurs cannot be predicted from the animacy
    of the causee
  • It really made it work.
  • It really made him work.
  • In the causative construction, the second example
    is at best ambiguous, but more likely to be
    interpreted as mechanical action make rather than
    social compulsion make.

39
The make-causative
  • Such coercion effects reveal the nature of make
    OBJ INF as a conventionalized construction
  • specifically support the analysis of the make
    causative as being primarily about mechanical
    action causation, and secondarily its extension
    emotive reaction causation.
  • the least motivated (entrenched) sense of the
    make causative is one which a human is acting on
    another human to socially compel him/her to do
    what the causer wishes to be done.
  • The normal sense of work (voluntarily perform
    labor) is suspended here because the entrenched
    constructional semantics induce a reading of
    involuntary, mechanical action. The sentence
    could perhaps be used that way, but it would take
    some supporting semantic factors that were
    coherent with a social frame of strong social
    force.
  • This would be required to overcome the slight
    semantic incompatibility of the construction with
    the normal sense of work that is found with human
    subjects.

40
The historical dimension
  • We can also observe the history of the make
    causative. In this history we find support for
    the 3 senses of the current construction, and
    find their progressive emergence as distinct
    senses.
  • When we examine the history of the construction,
    we find that the construction did not always
    occur with its current constructional profile.
  • In fact, in the earliest days in our data, make
    was primarily a main verb taking nominal and
    adjectival predicates.
  • It began to take infinitives in early middle
    English (the do-causative was fading by then),
    but as an early causative construction it was
    principally (most frequently in type and token
    frequency) used with the Mechanical Action type
    of predicates.
  • Although all 3 senses were apparently attested,
    the primary use as attested by frequency was the
    Mechanical action.
  • As time went on, emotion predicates began to
    dominate, as they still do today, but the number
    of compulsion predicates began to move past the
    one or two found in the earlier periods.
  • Furthermore, we find the beginnings of coercion
    effects as the construtcion begins to exert an
    interpretational effect on the senses of verbs
    like work and look.
  • Effectively, it begins to coerce its component
    elements to become more compatible with its own
    developing semantics.

41
The historical dimension
42
The historical dimension
  • Observing the history of make in this way allows
    us to see for the first time how a construction
    emerges by gradual extension by speakers until we
    can see the construction exert a coercion effect
    which itself motivates the analysis of the make
    causative as a full-fledged construction.
  • The development followed a trajectory of a
    changing constructional profile in terms of
    preferred predicates and predicate types.
  • The changing constructional profile is itself
    both a symptom and a mechanism of change, because
    speakers are sensitive to frequency and the
    changing frequency will have the effect of
    inducing them to reorganize the construction into
    one increasingly resembling the modern make
    causative in its constructional profile and its
    semantic characteristics, including coercive
    force.

43
Conclusions--Utility of Constructional Profiles
  • Observing constructional profiles from large sets
    of usage data allows us to draw conclusions about
    the semantics of a construction
  • Examining diachronic changes in constructional
    profile shed light on the emergence of the
    construction

44
Conclusions Coercion diachrony
  • We can find early evidence for the
    conventionalization of a construction by
    pinpointing the first visible instances of
    coercion.
  • These show that the construction has acquired
    some semantics of its own that can override
    semantic anomalies.
  • Constructions are a fruitful perspective for not
    only synchronic, but diachronic investigation.

45
Acknowledgments
  • Thanks to Martin Hilpert Michael Barlow

46
References
  • Achard, Michel, and Suzanne Kemmer, eds. 2004.
    Language, culture and mind. Stanford CSLI
    Publications.
  • Barlow, Michael, and Suzanne Kemmer, eds. 2000.
    Usage Based Models of Language. Stanford CSLI
    Publications.
  • Hilpert, Martin. To appear (a). On Swedish future
    constructions. Proceedings of the High Desert
    Linguistic Society Meeting. Albuquerque HDLS.
  • Hilpert, Martin. To appear (b). Collograms in the
    English split infinitive and other grammatical
    constructions. Constructions. Special issue on
    Collostructional Analysis.
  • Kemmer, Suzanne. 2001. Causative constructions
    and cognitive models The Make Causative.The
    First Seoul International Conference on Discourse
    and Cognitive Linguistics Perspectives for the
    21st Century, 803-846. Seoul Discourse and
    Cognitive Linguistics Society of Korea.
  • Kemmer, Suzanne and Martin Hilpert. 2005.
    Constructional grammaticalization in the English
    make-causative. Presented at ICHL in Madison,
    Wisc. August 2005.
  • Kemmer, Suzanne and Arie Verhagen. 1994. The
    grammar of causatives and the conceptual
    structure of events. Cognitive Linguistics 5(2),
    115-156.
  • Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, fire and dangerous
    things. Case studies. Chicago University of
    Chicago Press.
  • Langacker, Ronald. 1987,1991. Foundations of
    Cognitive Grammar Vols I and II.

47
References, cont.
  • Michaelis, Laura A. 2005. Entity and event
    coercion in a symbolic theory of syntax. In
    Jan-Ola Oestman and Miriam Fried, eds.,
    Construction Grammar(s) Cognitive Grounding and
    Theoretical Extensions. (Constructional
    Approaches to Language 3.) Amsterdam Benjamins,
    45-88.
  • Stefanowitsch, Anatol, and Stefan Gries. 2003.
    Collostructions Investigating the interaction of
    words and constructions. International Journal of
    Corpus Linguistics 8, 209-243.
  • Taylor, Christopher. To appear. The X to where Y
    construction. Proceedings of the 31st Meeting of
    the Berkeley Linguistic Society (BLS 31, 2005).
    Berkeley BLS.
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