Where weve been:

1

• Where weve been
• Work
• Households
• Education
• Biology
• Where were going
• Cross-national variation

2

• Levels of analysis
• Micro biology
• Intermediate processes within employment and
  households
• Macro economics and politics

3

• International variability
• Significant variation across countries
• Earlier discussion focused on ideologies, some
  effects of development
• What about economic logics and politics?

4

• Last section of course macro
• Questions
• What are the consequences for men and women of
  economic structures?
• What are the effects of various types of policies
  and policy regimes?
• What are the tradeoffs involved with policy
  regimes?

5

• Economics
• capitalism, socialism, communism
• Politics
• Welfare state regimes liberal,
  conservative/corporatist, social democratic

6

• Economic logic
• Capitalism economic system in which means of
  production are privately owned
• Capitalism relies on markets to distribute goods
  and services (labor markets, commodity markets)

7

• Economic logic
• Contrast with earlier societies
• Hunting and gathering
• Feudalist

8

• Economic logic of capitalism
• Capitalism differs from previous systems in that
  it requires workers to sell labor to receive
  goods and services
• Wide variety of effects
• Dehumanization of production
• Transition to a mass consumer society

9

• Economic logic of capitalism
• Presumably creates class conflict between the
  proletariat (who sell labor) and capitalists (who
  buy labor)

10

• Socialism
• Economic system in which means of production are
  jointly owned by all citizens
• Greater equality, eliminates possibility of class
  conflict
• - No true socialist economies

11

• Economic logic of socialism
• Some governments own important resources
  approximate socialist economies currently (e.g.
  Norway, Venezuela, Cuba)
• Governments use profits to subsidize programs for
  the poor

12

• Economics
• Other benefits?
• Capitalism - more innovative, capable of greater
  productivity
• Socialism - prevents inequality, social conflic

13

• Economics and Gender
• Is there a gendered logic to capitalism?
• Even if not, are there gendered impacts?

14

• Gendered impacts of capitalism?
• Countries with a more capitalist economic system
  often have higher rates of poverty
• Women are disproportionately those affected by
  poverty
• Capitalism increases womens poverty
• Women are also 70 of those in abject poverty
  worldwide, and the spread of capitalism appears
  to have done little to prevent this

15

• Gendered impacts of capitalism?
• Prostitution capitalism may transform sex into a
  commodity
• Womens prevalence in this field - traditional
  opportunities blocked ?
• Mens greater market power means that women more
  likely to become vendors of this commodity

16

• Gendered logic of capitalism?
• Capitalism predicated on a public marketplace,
  contrasted with a private homelife
• Exchange legitimated within a public market but
  not within private spheres
• Ideology of separate spheres pervades the
  underlying logic of capitalism

17

• Gendered logic of capitalism?
• Capitalism responsible for perpetuating
  antiquated beliefs about gender roles
• Capitalists rely on cheap labor and need to
  ensure low wages and steady supply of labor
• By supporting womens subjugation to men, they
  create conflict that distracts from class
  conflict
• Ensures women provide future generations of cheap
  labor

18

• Gendered logic of capitalism?
• Abortion and other body rights are restricted by
  capitalists so that they can gain control over
  womens bodies

19

• Capitalism and Gender an alternative
• Sexist behaviors and beliefs can exist outside of
  capitalism
• Outspoken defenders of capitalism (Gary Becker)
  detail how true capitalism could not tolerate
  discrimination on the basis of gender (human
  capital theory)

20

• Capitalism and Gender
• From this perspective, only systems without
  competition would gender differences

21

• Other features of capitalism
• Capitalism has atomizing potential it is not
  concerned with the value of individuals outside
  the labor market
• Incompatible with gender differences

22

• Capitalism and gender
• Finally, capitalism may spur greater development
  within any given country
• Greater development, particularly of
  service-sector jobs, could increase womens labor
  force participation, earnings, and independence

23

• Analytical technique
• Look within and across relatively similar
  countries
• How do different types of economic and political
  regimes structure a variety of outcomes
• Employment
• Housework (both mens and womens)
• Educational achievement
• Body rights

24

• Regime types and the Welfare state
• Welfare state modern states which are
  responsible for their citizens welfare
• Regimes a cluster of economic and political
  characteristics that combine to form a relatively
  coherent system
• Regimes classified on the extent to which they
  decommodify workers.

25

• Decommodification removing workers dependence
  on the labor market
• Workers are commodified to the extent that their
  labor power becomes a commodity to be bought and
  sold and they rely on that for their living
• Various policies have the effect of increasing or
  decreasing commodification
• Retirement policies
• Poor assistance policies
• Tax policies

26

• Welfare-state regimes
• Liberal
• Corporatist
• Social democratic

27

• Liberal welfare state characterized by
• Means-tested assistance
• Modest universal transfers
• Modest social-insurance plans
• Entitlement rules often strict and associated
  with stigma
• The effect of the market is exaggerated by state
  policies

28

• Consequences of liberal regime
• Minimizes decommodification
• Contains realm of social rights
• Stratification blend of relative equality of
  poverty among state-welfare recipients,
  market-differentiated welfare among majorities,
  class-political dualism b/t two

29

• Corporatist regimes
• Lacked an emphasis on market efficiency and
  commodification
• Granting of social rights was never seriously
  contested, but preservation of status
  differentials was important
• The state provides welfare instead of the market
  but does not engage in substantial redistribution

30

• Corporatist regimes
• Also typically shaped by Catholic Church
• Strongly committed to the preservation of
  traditional familyhood
• Social insurance typically excludes non-working
  wives
• Family benefits encourage motherhood
• Day care and family services relatively
  underdeveloped
• State will only interfere when familys capacity
  to serve members is exhausted

31

• Social democratic regimes
• Unwilling to tolerate a dualism between state and
  market and between working and middle class
• Pursued a welfare state that promoted equality of
  highest standards (unlike liberal states)
• Services and benefits upgraded to levels
  commensurate with tastes of middle class
• Equality furnished by guaranteeing workers full
  participation in quality of rights enjoyed by
  those better-off

32

• Consequences of social democratic regime
• A mix of highly decomoddifying and universalistic
  programs
• Model crowds out the market and constructs
  essentially universal solidarity in favor of
  welfare state
• All benefit, all are dependent, and all will
  presumably feel obliged to pay

33

• Social democratic regimes and families
• Principle is to preemptively take on costs of
  familyhood
• Ideal is to reduce dependence of family and
  increase capacity for individual independence
• Grants transfers directly to children takes
  direct responsibility of caring for children, the
  aged, and helpless
• Committed to heavy social service burden to
  service family needs and allow women to choose
  work rather than the household

34

• Full employment and the state
• Many modern states have launched a commitment to
  full employment
• Commitment now means something different
  includes women as well as men
• Managing full employment for a larger number of
  people involved can present problems

35

• States have taken different approaches
• Social democratic regimes pursue full employment
  vigorously, in part to help support a large
  government sector
• Liberal regimes less concerned with full
  employment, although ... role of Federal Reserve

36

• Full employment
• Full employment can also exist because the state
  is a primary employer.
• Particularly the case in social democratic
  countries, but exists elsewhere as well

37

• Government as employer
• Governments expand to provide health, education
  and welfare services
• E.G. Government childcare, educational, medical
  provision effect of increased size of HEW sector
• Unintended consequence provides employment

38

• HEW employment Public share of HEW
• Denmark 28 90
• Norway 22 92
• Sweden 26 93
• Austria 10 61
• France 15 75
• Germany 11 58
• Italy 12 85
• Canada 15 44
• U.K. 16 77
• U.S. 17 45

39

• Consequences
• Affects
• Growth of service employment
• Growth of good/bad jobs
• Productivity?
• Womens and mens occupational distributions
• Provision of welfare as well

40

• Growth of service employment, 1960-1984
• Producer HEW Fun
• Germany 4.2 4.8 1.1
• Sweden 5.0 8.2 1.6
• U.S. 7.9 6.2 7.2

41

• The growth of service employment has often led to
  worse working conditions
• Productivity in service jobs traditionally lower
• Yet some service sector employment (professions)
  offers quite good jobs
• Service sector growth in the U.S. has led to
  greater numbers of good jobs, but it has also led
  to greater numbers of bad jobs. Good jobs are
  more prevalent in social services and business
  services than fun services

42

• Thus, government systems of welfare provision
  provide greater welfare through two mechanisms
• The direct provision of welfare
• The creation of a better mix of jobs

43

• What about women?

44

• What about women?
• Care work such as that provided in the social
  services is largely feminized across countries
• Thus, the growth of care work through state
  provision can help increase womens labor force
  participation

45

• Variation in Womens labor force participation
• The growth of feminized care work
• Commitment to gender equality
• Demonstrated through maternity leave programs and
  parental leave programs
• Commitment to full employment
• Liberal regimes and focus on individual
  achievement

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• Some clustering
• Highest levels seen in social democratic
  countries
• Liberal countries also have relatively high
  levels of womens employment

49

• Two questions
• Which specific policies increase womens labor
  force participation?

50

• Source Hook and Pettit 2005

51

• Effective policies
• Employment rate increases womens likelihood of
  employment ?
• The number of weeks of parental leave
• Decreases womens overall likelihood of
  participation
• Moderates the negative effect of having young
  children
• Public provision of childcare
• Moderates negative effect of young children
• Moderates negative effect of marriage

52

• Source Hook and Pettit 2005.

53

• Integration
• Consider effects of micro variables
• Child care
• housework/ marital bargaining
• Consider how macro variables change effects of
  micro variables

54

• Womens outcomes in work
• Three routes to work for women
• Social-democratic government/service route
• Liberal uneven route
• Corporatist slow progress

55

• Womens employment
• Germany Sweden U.S.
• Govt employment 16 33 16
• Govt share of employed women 20 55 18
• Womens share of govt. 39 67 47
• Govt share of female growth 149 106 20

56

• Womens employment
• Government growth in all countries has played a
  role, but a much larger role in Germany and
  Sweden than U.S.
• Are there negative effects?
• Private sector jobs may offer more lucrative
  employment for both men and women
• Women risk becoming ghettoized into state sector
  and public care work

57

• Over- or Under-Representation of women in
  occupations (1985)
• Germany Sweden U.S.
• Industrial
• Managers -21 -26 -8
• Clerical Workers 25 20 33
• Industrial workers -31 -28 -24
• Post-Industrial
• Professionals/ technical -12 -20 -6
• Nurses, teachers 29 34 36
• Non-professional service 37 38 7
• Junk Job Workers 48 21 13

58

• Patterns
• U.S. labor market is least segregated
• Women are only slightly underrepresented in
  managerial and professional jobs
• Women are more overrepresented in traditionally
  female jobs (nursing and clerical)
• Women not ghettoized into other service jobs
• German and Swedish case both more segregated
• German (corporatist) shows women slightly more
  represented in high-status jobs than Swedish
  (social democratic) case

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• Earnings patterns
• Corporatist countries have quite low overall
  ratios, attributable to womens greater part-time
  work and lower occupational attainment
• Social democratic countries have greatest
  earnings equity.

61

• Summary womens employment
• Liberal models of womens employment seem to have
  both encouraged labor force participation
  occupational attainment
• Social democratic models good labor force
  participation, poor occupational attainment
• Corporatist poor labor force participation, but
  some evidence of good occupational attainment

62

• Gendered division of housework
• Women do most of the housework across countries
• To some extent, increased variability in how much
  housework women do relative to men results from
  variability in how much housework men do

63

• Gendered division of household labor
• Variation across time and across countries in the
  amount of time men spend on housework and the
  share of housework men do

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• Division of Household Labor
• At an individual level, many motivations may be
  similar across countries
• Household specialization
• Gender displays through housework
• Yet the context changes how these
  individual-level determinants work

69

• Bargaining
• Married womens work should affect unpaid work of
  married men
• Structure of opportunities for women should also
  affect men married to non-working women
• Womens opportunities shapes perceived
  alternatives to marriage

70

• Gender
• Womens employment should affect all mens unpaid
  work time
• Men adjust their behaviors and expectations to
  match general set of conditions

71

• Types of policies
• Work regulations long standard hours may
  encourage specialization
• Child care
• Publicly provided child care provides resources
  for women
• Parental leave
• Typically reinforce specialization
• Used mostly by women
• Long-term leaves particularly cement womens role
  as the caregiver

72

• Types of Policies II
• Parental leave for men
• Designed to change attitudes
• Can promote mens skills in child care

73

• Individual-level Results (Hook 2006)
• Married men and men with children do more
  housework
• Men do less housework as they work more hours
• Unemployed men do much less housework

74

• Country-level results (Hook 2006)
• Men do more housework in countries with more
  working women
• Having a child and having parental leave for men
  greatly increases mens housework
• Men with children do more housework in countries
  where women work more
• Men with children do less housework in countries
  with longer parental leave

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• Policies and regime types
• Social democratic regimes feature
• High womens labor force participation
• Medium-length family leave
• Corporatist regimes feature
• Low womens labor force participation
• Extremely long family leave 3-4 years
• Liberal regimes feature
• High womens labor force participation
• Limited or nonexistent family leave

77

• Contradictions
• Leave policies should help mitigate family/leave
  conflict
• Yet they do not produce gender equality
• The nature of the best goal equality or
  something else?

78

• Quick note on the other side of the work-family
  conflict
• Scandinavian (social democratic) countries do
  have higher fertility rates (1.7-1.8) than do
  continental European countries (1.2-1.6)
  although still below replacement level
• Child care (prevalent in social democratic) may
  help to reduce the family side of conflict more
  than leave policies (prevalent in corporatist
  regimes)
• Makes sense from a rational calculus
  perspective leave creates no incentive, whereas
  child care essentially subsidizes fertility

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• Unadjusted
• Social democratic countries cluster near top
• Corporatist and liberal do not fare extremely well

81

• Adjusted
• Corporatist are now located near the top, while
  social democratic are at the bottom.
• What does this mean?
• - In corporatist countries, womens earnings are
  different from men because they work fewer hours,
  in different occupations, with lower education

82

• In social democratic countries, womens earnings
  are lower because they are paid less within
  individual fields.
• Although they still often work in different
  occupations, those are well-paid relative to the
  occupations women have in corporatist

83

• Regime types and policies
• Regime suggests some ideological cluster
• Policies are more plastic

84

• Individuals and households
• Behaviors are influenced by context
• Last time labor force participation
• Positively influenced by child care
• Negatively influenced by length of parental leave

85

• Last time
• housework
• Is a very individual and personal decision
  affected by economic and political contexts?

86

• Mens housework time on an individual basis may
  be affected by
• Specialization of households men specialize in
  paid work while women specialize in unpaid work
• Gender roles men and women engage in
  gender-appropriate behavior through their
  participation in housework

87

• Types of policies
• Work regulations long standard hours may
  encourage specialization
• Child care
• Publicly provided child care provides resources
  for women (and decrease specialization)
• Parental leave
• Typically reinforce specialization
• Used mostly by women
• Long-term leaves particularly cement womens role
  as the caregiver

88

• Types of Policies II
• Parental leave for men
• Designed to change attitudes
• Can promote mens skills in child care

89

• Individual-level Results (Hook 2006)
• Married men and men with children do more
  housework
• Men do less housework as they work more hours
  (specialization)
• Unemployed men do much less housework (gender
  roles)

90

• Country-level results (Hook 2006)
• Men do more housework in countries with more
  working women (gender role effect)
• Having a child and having parental leave for men
  greatly increases mens housework (gender role)
• Men with children do more housework in countries
  where women work more
• Men with children do less housework in countries
  with longer general parental leave

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• Regime types in housework
• Social democratic regimes feature
• High womens labor force participation
• Medium-length family leave
• Corporatist regimes feature
• Low womens labor force participation
• Extremely long family leave 3-4 years
• Liberal regimes feature
• High womens labor force participation
• Limited or nonexistent family leave

93

• Contradictions
• Leave policies should help mitigate family/leave
  conflict
• Yet they do not produce gender equality

94

• Moral claims
• Specialization produces efficiencies
• Specialization is a result of oppression
• Equality is an admirable goal
• Equality costs children as noone specializes in
  child care

95

• The other side of the work-family conflict
• Scandinavian (social democratic) countries do
  have higher fertility rates (1.7-1.8) than do
  continental European countries (1.2-1.6)
  although still below replacement level
• Child care (prevalent in social democratic)
  reduces the family side of conflict more than
  leave policies (prevalent in corporatist regimes)
• Makes sense from a rational calculus
  perspective leave creates no incentive (creates
  a disincentive for women through specialization),
  whereas child care essentially subsidizes
  fertility

96

• Decommodification and Gender
• Decommodification only makes sense for people who
  are already commodified
• Much of womens concern is not about an attempt
  to be removed from the labor market

97

• Consensus the challenge for welfare states is
  to design a difference while guaranteeing
  equality (Hernes 1987)
• Difference with regard to what?
• One answer the acknowledgement and support of
  care work (would lead to support for women while
  acknowledging difference)
• Again, our question how do states structure
  women relationship to paid work and care?

98

• Lone motherhood
• To what extent do welfare states allow women to
  live independently of men?
• the more difficult and stigmatized solo
  motherhood is in a society, the greater the
  barriers against opting out of a bad marriage.
  (Hobson 1994)

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• Liberal and social democratic regimes have more
  single-mother families
• Corporatist, as we might expect, have higher
  prevalence of traditional families

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• Poverty rates
• Lowest in social democratic countries
• Appear to have decommodified or defamilified
  women
• Corporatist countries have high rates of poverty
  for non-working women, but low rates for working
  women
• A willingness to provide for those who
  participate in capitalism
• Corporatist let market work, use meliorative
  practices to deal with ill effects of market

103

• Liberal countries
• Extremely high rates of poverty for non-working
  women
• Also highest rates of poverty for women who work
• Place strict responsibility on the market as the
  source of welfare

104

• Policies creating
• Cash transfers
• Housing subsidies
• Health care provision
• Overall earnings dispersion in the economy

105

• Taxes
• Substantially different tax policies across
  countries (size of tax benefit for children, size
  of tax benefit for working)
• Marital tax benefit varies greatly across
  countries as well (U.S. highest, although Germany
  also has high rates)

106

• Summary
• Regimes established for basic practices
• Gendered effects more complex, often
  contradictory
• Part of the confusion results from a confusion
  about what the goals are to be achieved