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Obesity in America and the

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Title: Obesity in America and the


1
Obesity in America and the Twinkie TaxAn
Analysis of a Proposed Policy to Encourage
Healthier Food Choices
  • Emily Kearney
  • June 4, 2007

2
The Obesity Pandemic
  • United Nations, 2000
  • For the first time, more people are obese (1 B)
    than malnourished (800 M)
  • In just two decades,1980-2000...
  • Obesity rates doubled for American adults and
    tripled for children.
  • Obesity is a risk factor for many diseases
  • Costs to the individual and society
  • 117 B (61 B direct costs, 56 B indirect)

3
Economic Perspectives on Obesity
  • Why are we suddenly so obese?
  • More calories consumed, less burned, or both
  • Technology (lower food prices and less exercise)
  • U.S.- 10 of disposable income on food
  • lowest in industrialized world, cheapest food
  • Economic view- obesity is efficient for
    individual?
  • People will maximize utility WRT budget, time
  • Behaviors will change when benefits exceed costs
  • Do we need financial incentives (tax) to
    internalize the costs of obesity to create
    behavior changes?

4
Policy Measures Theory and Practical
Considerations
  • Several states already have/had a tax but face
    industry pressures to eliminate
  • Similar to other sin taxes internalize cost
  • In theory
  • Will induce behavior change by providing
    incentives to eat healthier foods (cheaper
    relatively)
  • Tax revenues could be earmarked for nutrition
    education programs
  • So would a tax induce behavior change and raise
    revenues? What does evidence suggest?
  • would it be equitable? efficient? effective?

5
Elasticity of Demand for Snack Foods
  • there are four practical economic questions that
    must be addressed (Kuchler et al. 2005)
  • First, how would such taxes change diets?
  • Second, how much of a tax would be collected?
  • Third, how big is the excess burden?
  • Finally, on which consumers would the burden be
    imposed? All four questions depend on the price
    elasticity of demand for snack foods (20059)

6
Poverty, Energy Cost and Obesity
  • Multiple studies on effect of income level on
    diet quality
  • Disproportionate rates of obesity among poor
  • Drewnowski and Specter 2004-
  • inverse relationship between energy costs and
    energy density
  • the association between poverty and obesity may
    be mediatedby the lower cost of energy-dense
    foods and reinforced by the high palatability of
    sugar and fat (20046)

7
Poverty, Obesity, and Energy Cost
8
Elasticity and Income Level
Consumers with higher incomes are less responsive
to changes in prices
9
Empirical Evidence Kuchler et al. 2005
  • Two regressions
  • 1) Establish elasticities of demand for
    different foods (potato chips, all chips, all
    salty snacks)
  • 2) Predict decreased consumption and tax
    revenues at different tax rates (1, 10, 20)
  • Results
  • Demand is inelastic (potato chips, -.45)
  • Even high taxes would not change consumption
    much. Low taxes would still generate
    considerable revenue.
  • Question the effectiveness of education programs

10
Empirical Evidence Schroeter et al. 2005
  • Criticize Kuchler et al.
  • Increased price may reduce demand but wont lead
    to weight loss if substitutes available
  • what would the tax have to be to reduce weights
    to 1960 levels? Use price-weight elasticities
  • Results
  • A 1 tax would lower female weight by .44 and
    male weight by .31
  • 0.72 lbs 0.59 lbs for avg female, male
  • To reduce to 1960 levels, mens consumption of
    snack foods would have to be taxed 41 and
    womens 34.

11
Conclusions
  • Would have an impact if.
  • Well-targeted
  • Demand is elastic
  • Consumers have a choice to switch to healthier
    foods
  • More studies needed of elasticities of demand for
    foods potentially taxed
  • Especially important is to investigate how people
    at different levels of income would be affected
  • Potential for subsidies to low-income consumers
    to offset burden of tax? Are substitutes
    available?
  • More studies needed on effectiveness of nutrition
    education programs

12
Conclusions
  • In the worst case (elastic poor and inelastic
    rich consumers and large income disparities), a
    tax on food may do little about obesity and
    increase undernourishment.
  • In the best case (high level of equality, low
    food demand responsiveness), it will have a small
    impact on obesityand be an effective means to
    collect money that could be used to finance
    programs for nutrition education
  • -Schmidhuber 2004 282

13
References
  • Drewnowski, A. and S.E. Specter, Poverty and
    Obesity The Role of Energy Density and Energy
    Costs, American Journal of Clinical Nutrition,
    79, 2004, pp. 6-16.
  • Kuchler, F., Tegene, A., and J.M. Harris, Taxing
    Snacking Foods Manipulating Diet Quality or
    Financing Information Programs? Review of
    Agricultural Economics, 27(1), 2005, pp. 4-20.
  • Schmidhuber, J., The Growing Global Obesity
    Problem Some Policy Options to Address It,
    Electronic Journal of Agricultural and
    Development Economics, 1(2), 2004, pp. 272-290.
  • Schroeter, C., J. Lusk, and W. Tyner,
    Determining the Impact of Food Price and Policy
    Changes on Obesity, Ph.D Dissertation in
    Department of Agricultural Economics, Purdue
    University, 2005.
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