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Political economy of reform

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Title: Political economy of reform


1
Political economy of reform
  • Economics of Transition

2
The importance of political constraints
  • Political constraints appear to have played a
    major role in the actual transition process in
    all transition countries, especially in blocking
    parts of the restructuring process.
  • Some examples
  • Plans to cut subsidies to SOEs were canceled
  • Fiscal subsidy cuts to firms transformed in in
    hidden subsidies (bank credit and interenterprise
    arrears)
  • Heavy worker resistance to closing inefficient
    state enterprises.

3
Introduction to Political economy of reform (PER)
  • Political economy of transition belongs to a more
    general field that tries to integrate political
    science economics.
  • Also there is a general literature on political
    economy of reform summarized by Dani Rodrik JEL
    94) with the main conclusion not necessarily so
    that authoritarianism allows for more sustained
    economic reforms, it is rather the existence of a
    deep crisis that forces government to really
    reform).

4
Introduction to Political economy of reform
(PER), cont.
  • Political economy arguments are at the center of
    discussion about speed and sequence of reform
    (big bang vs. gradualism)
  • big bang ? window of opportunity
  • gradualism ? build on reforms
  • There is a trade off between a big bang strategy
    where reforms are proposed simultaneously and
    gradualism where they are realized in sequence
    and the expected outcomes as well as the
    realization of reforms will also depend on the
    sequencing of reforms.
  • In what follows we always assume the existence of
    complementarities between reforms.
  • Which type of approach can be seen as desirable
    depends also on the type of uncertainty that
    characterizes the process (individual uncertainty
    vs. aggregate uncertainty).

5
Theory of political economy of transition reform
  • Normative PER ? decision making problems of
    reformers subject to political constraints.
  • Based on Agenda-setting hypothesis ? government
    has monopoly over design and sequencing of reform
    packages (parliament votes on a take-it or
    leave-it base or population in a referendum),
    normative PER then develops general principles of
    reform package.
  • Positive branch of PER ? analysis of clash of
    interest groups.

6
Ex-ante and ex-post political constraints
  • Two types
  • Ex-ante political constraints ? feasibility
    constraints. Block decision-making and prevent
    acceptance of reforms.
  • Ex-post political constraints ? backlash and
    policy reversal
  • These two types of constraints must be dealt with
    differently.
  • Ex-ante constraints ? compromises, credible
    compensation for losers, decisions delayed.
  • Ex-post constraints ? attempts to create
    irreversibility

7
Political constraints without uncertainty
  • (reforms with sure efficiency gains)

8
How to relax political (ex-ante) constraints?
  • a) compensating transfer to losers
  • partial reform
  • packaging reforms to get majority support
  • creation of institutions making compensating
    transfers credible in a sustained way
  • waiting for deterioration of the status quo (cf.
    Dani Rodrik JEL paper)

9
Compensating transfers to losers
  • Compensating transfer is an obvious way to buy
    off losers of reform. In the real world this is
    not easily done. Difficulties
  • i) Redistributive transfer can have high
    distortionary costs, especially in transition
    countries, where fiscal administration is young,
    large budget deficits are common and enforcing
    tax collection is inefficient.
  • ?social safety net is an example, where we have
    large distortions because of a lack of proper
    targeting?
  • ii) Arguments of information assymmetry between
    policy maker and economic agents who are
    potential losers.

10
Compensating transfers to losers cont.
  • Example lay off of all workers of a SOE. ? How
    should we compensate workers? Without asymmetric
    information compensation structure should be
    according to exit costs ? when there is
    asymmetric information all workers have to be
    paid the highest compensation (those who find
    easily a job elsewhere will not reveal that gt
    have to be paid highest compensation).

11
Compensating transfers to losers cont.
  • Likely solution Partial layoffs where workers
    with highest exit costs keep their job. From an
    efficiency point of view, this would be the least
    desirable outcome as those with lowest outside
    options remain in the firm. There are, however,
    powerful arguments against this whole set-up, see
    e.g. Gerard Pfanns work on downsizing, where
    firm keeps the best workers in partial layoff.

12
Compensating transfers to losers cont.
  • ???) Weak commitment power of decision makers
    with regard to future compensating transfer.
  • ?Difference between CE and CIS former
    established rapidly an UB system and other
    elements of social safety net, unlikely that this
    would be dismantled with a later government,
    while latter did develop this system only
    partially?

13
Partial reform
  • Obvious disadvantages
  • Lower efficiency gains than in a complete
    reform ?extreme case partial layoff of
    essentially best people?
  • Losses of complementarities of bundled reforms
  • In an extreme scenario, partial reform
    generates little learning and might become pure
    noise ? outcomes worse than status quo
    absolutely and zero learning about results of
    complete reform (for some time in 90s maybe
    Ukraine comes closest to that!)

14
Partial reform cont.
  • Advantages
  • i) Asymmetric information and heterogeneity of
    exit costs and high efficiency costs of raising
    funds to compensate losses.
  • If I only need to compensate low exit cost
    worker then in connection with high costs of
    raising funds, partial reform might be more
    efficient than full reform.
  • ii) Building constituencies for further reforms.
  • Strategy make status quo less attractive
  • Divide rule by example 2/3 of workers have
    to be laid off in a sector, a majority of workers
    need to agree to this. By having small layoffs,
    where laid-off are not fully compensated, one
    might get a majority of workers to agree if it is
    clear that compensation packages will be worse
    down the line (then even those immediately laid
    off might agree).

15
Packaging reforms to gain majority support
  • In some cases (in case without uncertainty), a
    big bang reform packaging several reforms
    together may obtain support by the majority while
    individual reforms would be blocked, even if it
    was optimal to implement reforms sequentially.
  • This will be the case, for example, when a reform
    damaging a majority is proposed as part of a
    package benefiting a majority.
  • Ex. Fiscal and trade reform (Martinelli and
    Tommasi, 1997). 3 groups one always gains, one
    always loses, one gains only from one (trade).
  • Optimal solution first fiscal reform ? trade
    reform together excessive unemployment rather
    than smooth adjustment. BUT taken separately,
    no majority.
  • Putting the two reforms together, if the total
    outcome for 3 is still positive, also group 3
    supports the package, so there is a majority and
    the package is approved.

16
Creation of institutions making compensating
transfers credible in a sustained way
  • Policy maker can create institutions with a
    commitment to transfers
  • Extending voting, i.e. enfranchising the poor, is
    such an institution, median income lt mean wage,
    one-man-one-vote-system might guarantee that
    redistribution is here to stay.
  • See also the introduction of massive income
    support system in CE for non-employment

17
Waiting for deterioration in the status quo
  • Dani Rodriks paper in JEL gives some examples of
    that when the status quo is deteriorated, then it
    is relatively easy to push through a sustained
    reform effort. So waiting for the deterioration
    of the status quo might be a strategy (hard to
    believe though that such a deterioration will not
    strongly affect future reform path)
  • On the other hand, one reason Balcerowicz et al.
    could push through a big bang program was that
    the status quo was greatly deteriorated.

18
Political constraints with uncertainty
19
Ex-ante and ex-post political constraints, cont.
  • Ex-ante and ex-post constraints will be the same
    if no uncertainty and no reversal costs.
  • However,Fernandez and Rodrik (1991) show that,
    ex-ante and ex-post constraints may differ
    substantially in the presence of uncertainty.
  • Aggregate uncertainty uncertainty about
    economy-wide effect of reform
  • Individual uncertainty uncertainty who will be
    winners and losers
  • Aggregate uncertainty reversal costs ? harder
    to implement reform.
  • For reforms to take place they have to satisfy
    both the ex-ante (majority must be benefiting
    from it) and the ex-post political constraints
    (not risking to be reversed).
  • For this reason they speak of status quo bias
    against reforms.
  • It is interesting to note that in this model
    majorities shift over time. This aspect is very
    important in determining the optimal sequencing
    of reforms.

20
Individual uncertainty
  • When uncertainty is purely individual or
    idiosyncratic, it is known in advance whether
    there will be reform reversal or not if reforms
    are adopted, given the (known) ex-ante
    probability of gaining or losing from reform.
  • If there is reversal, no reform will be adopted
    provided reversal costs are big enough.
  • In this framework, big bang is never dominated by
    gradualism and in some cases strictly dominates
    gradualism (thanks to bundling)
  • No interim reversal under gradualism and no
    reversal after two reforms (payoff identical to
    big bang if there is no discounting effect
    otherwise big bang dominates because of
    complementarities)
  • Interim reversal under gradualism and reversal
    after two reforms (no reform tried)
  • Interim reversal under gradualism but no reversal
    after two reforms interim status quo bias
    (gradualism dominated by big bang if it has a
    positive outcome).

21
Aggregate uncertainty
  • With aggregate uncertainty, it is not clear
    anymore what will be the final outcome of reform.
    In this case we have several possible outcomes
    both for big bang and gradualism.
  • This is a reflection of the ignorance about the
    transition process as well as the ignorance of
    agents involved. It is also a reflection of the
    possible existence of multiple equilibria.
  • If we assume the existence of complementarities,
    the net present value of the partial reform is
    always considered to be lower to the present
    value of the full reform, as we miss the
    benefits of complementarities (interim
    suffering).
  • However, it is also true that observing the
    outcome of the partial reform may give
    information about the potential outcome of a full
    reform and allow us to reverse the reform before
    having implemented the full reform (at a lower
    cost).

22
Aggregate uncertainty, cont.
  • Big bang can still be optimal when
  • There is very high interim suffering
  • There is no learning from partial reform
  • The expected outcome of the big bang package is
    positive and large.
  • Gradualism is more likely to be optimal when
  • First reform is informative (probability of early
    reversal lt1 and gt0)
  • Learning has to be fast enough
  • Early reversal is less costly than full reversal.

23
Aggregate uncertainty, cont.
  • Gradualism in this context has the option of
    learning and early reversal at lower cost that is
    absent in big bang.
  • This can prove a significant advantage,
    especially when costs associated to reversal in
    big bang are high in the case of a bad aggregate
    outcome.
  • It is interesting to note that the option value
    of early reversal raises a wedge between the
    ex-ante expected payoff of a gradualist program
    and that of a big bang strategy.
  • In this case gradualism might be ex-ante
    attractive even if big bang is not.
  • ? a gradualist strategy can be a useful way to
    overcome the status quo bias of reform!
  • On the other side, the fact that big bang has
    larger reversal costs makes reversal less likely
    and this might be considered a positive
    characteristics.

24
Aggregate uncertainty, cont.
  • This model can have interesting implications in
    terms of timing of transition programs. If the
    default payoff declines with time, and the
    expected payoff of gradualism is larger than that
    of Big Bang
  • A gradualist program will start earlier
  • Big bang program will be observed on countries
    where crisis perceptions are greater (after
    missed opportunities of gradualism Hungary and
    China vs. Poland and Russia).

25
Aggregate uncertainty, cont.
  • This model can have interesting implications in
    terms of timing of transition programs. If the
    default payoff declines with time, and the
    expected payoff of gradualism is larger than that
    of Big Bang
  • A gradualist program will start earlier
  • Big bang program will be observed on countries
    where crisis perceptions are greater (after
    missed opportunities of gradualism Hungary and
    China vs. Poland and Russia).
  • Going back to political constraints, we can
    identify an ex-ante/ex-post trade off between big
    bang and gradualism
  • ? looking at ex-post political constraints big
    bang is preferable (reduces the probability of
    reversals window of opportunity)
  • looking at ex-ante political constraints,
    instead, gradualism has the advantage of reducing
    resistance to the adoption of reforms (as it is
    more easily reversible).

26
Aggregate uncertainty, cont.
  • The previous results were obtained in a
    representative agent framework (all individuals
    had identical perceptions about the probability
    distributions associated with various aggregate
    outcomes).
  • It is possible, however to imagine an alternative
    framework, where agents have different subjective
    beliefs about the likelihood of given aggregate
    outcomes (reformers vs. conservatives).
  • In such a framework, gradualism might be the best
    solution to allow reformers to start the reform
    process even in presence of a majority of
    conservatives with a preference for the status
    quo.
  • More generally, the flexible approach to reforms
    provided by gradualism may explain why
    politicians often take a gradual approach to
    large-scale reforms even in presence of
    complementarity of reforms.

27
Complementarity and momentum of reforms
  • Complementarities can allow gradualism to build a
    momentum for reforms that might not be built in
    case reforms were separable.
  • It may be good to start with a reform having a
    high likelihood of bringing benefits to a
    majority, in order to build support for more
    difficult reforms
  • Example of momentum under gradualism
  • decollectivization in agriculture (China 1978).
    From 1 in 1979 to 90 in 1984. Increased
    agricultural output
  • support of rural constituencies for second phase
    dual-track price system (market prices on excess
    production - to achieve support for reforms in
    cities)
  • New constituencies for further reform
    restructuring of SOEs with layoffs and
    privatization.
  • ? We go back to the issue which sequence is best?

28
Optimal sequencing
  • What is the optimal sequence of reforms when
    gradualism dominates a big-bang strategy?
  • Three aspects are particularly important in
    defining a correct sequencing of reforms
  • Unbundling of reform package in given sequences
    should not lead to the loss of informativeness
  • Sequencing should make the reform process ex-ante
    acceptable
  • Sequencing should aim at building constituencies
    and momentum for further reform and satisfy
    ex-post political constraints.
  • Note Objectives 2 and 3 may or may not be
    conflicting with each other in determining an
    optimal sequencing of reforms.

29
Optimal sequencing, cont.
  • Different expected outcome if we have two
    reforms with positive expected outcomes it is
    better to start with the one showing the highest
    expected outcome (lower probability of
    first-period reversal and increased probability
    of both being achieved)
  • Differences in riskiness introducing the risky
    reform first increases the option value of
    reversibility (increased volatility), increasing
    the expected outcome.
  • Differences in constituencies the sequencing of
    reforms may affect reform reversibility after
    implementation of a first reform, depending on
    the expected costs and benefits of reform
    continuation for the pivotal voter, by affecting
    the identity of the pivotal voter at the
    interim stage (the implementation of the first
    reform may cause the pivotal voter to change).

30
Optimal sequencing, cont.
  • Exogenous vs. endogenous reelection or future
    support and related literature the case for big
    bang or gradualism or a particular reform
    sequencing may be influenced by the nature of
    the probability of reelection.
  • If the loss of power of the incumbent government
    is caused by exogenous forces, the advantage of a
    big bang approach is that the government can
    constrain a potential successor government by
    choosing today policies more difficult to
    reverse.
  • On the other side, if policymakers face an
    endogenous probability of reelection, they should
    work to build constituencies by starting with
    more popular reforms. In this case, political
    backlash may be just the consequence of wrong
    sequencing.

31
Optimal sequencing, cont.
  • Observed patterns in transition economies
    (creation of support)
  • Development of small private sector
  • Best firms privatized first (profit channel vs.
    job creation channel)
  • Setting up new institutions (political reform and
    other institutional changes)
  • Phase of restructuring and closing money-losing
    enterprises is generally delayed.

32
Speed of reform and endogenous investment
  • The design of the reform package can affect the
    final outcomes that can be attained.
  • For example, the speed of reform (big bang vs.
    gradualism) can affect the response of foreign
    investment to the reform process itself.
  • In his book, Roland derives two main results
  • When the level of investment DOES NOT affect the
    reversal probability, the investment response
    under gradualism is ALWAYS higher before
    uncertainty resolution, because of the lower
    option value of waiting (you lose less)
  • When the level of investment DOES affect the
    probability of reversal, then both gradualism and
    big bang may generate higher investment response
    before TOTAL uncertainty resolution. (Gradualism
    better when probability of good states is lower).
    Before ANY uncertainty resolution, however, in
    this case more irreversibility is created and
    investment is higher under big bang.

33
Back to Normative PER
34
Normative PER cont.
  • Increasing ex-post constraints, lowering the
    possibility of reversal
  • Normally low ex-ante constraints go hand in hand
    with high ex-post constraints. Has we have seen,
    however, good sequencing and well-designed
    compensation schemes will make reversal more
    unlikely.
  • Sometimes the strategy was used to take advantage
    of a window of opportunity and make a reform
    irreversible.

35
Normative PER cont.
  • Ex. Mass privatization in Russia, insider
    privatization but here irreversibility (very hard
    to give it back to the state) is very strong
    existing state structures had been deliberately
    weakened gt impossible to organize a reversal.
  • The downside of this irreversibility in the
    Russian case asset stripping, weak performance,
    ? inequality and corruption, ? capture of the
    state by oligarchs gt ? welfare. gt Greater
    reversibility with a better privatization policy
    might have meant a smaller fall in welfare.

36
And, finally, positive PER
37
Positive PER
  • Explains differences in rent seeking and how
    special interests may capture regulatory bodies.
    In general we look at institutions affecting
    costs and benefits of rent seeking.
  • Some questions
  • Is it easier (or preferable) to pass reforms when
    the executive branch of government has relative
    autonomy, or is it better to have it closely
    checked by the legislature?
  • Is a presidential regime preferable to a
    parliamentary regime in terms of deciding
    reforms?
  • Is it better to have coalition governments or
    majoritarian governments to pass reforms?
  • Is a large number of veto players a good or a bad
    thing (blocking good/bad reforms)?
  • Normally these things are exogenous, but in
    transition they are more or less endogenous.

38
Positive PER, cont.
  • Hellman (1998) democratic transition countries
    more fragmented party systems, coalition
    governments, uninsulated executives ? most
    progress with reforms.
  • Hypothesis better accountability /closeness of
    politicians to voters / less capture by vested
    interest groups.
  • Drawback mechanisms of checks and balances
    creating accountability can also create
    attrition/ paralysis of decision.
  • Reformers are usually seen as special
    politicians having in mind the success of
    efficiency-enhancing reforms. In this case,
    insulating them from the pressure of interest
    groups might be a good thing.
  • Drawback possible insulation also from voters
    and opportunity for well organized interest
    groups or for the opportunistically oriented
    politician (to commit abuse).

39
Positive PER, cont.
  • Example
  • One interesting paper makes point that e.g. in
    Russia (and this can be extended to Ukraine)
    oligarchs are interested in weak property rights
    gt they then can easily convert social and state
    assets into private ones for their own use.
  • ? Oligarchs try to capture state regulatory
    bodies to prevent the establishment of strong
    property rights (unexpected result- maybe a
    priori one would have thought that the rich are
    interested in secure property rights).
  • Differences in the strategy of rent seeking
    between e.g. Poland and Russia is not fully
    explained yet
  • ? Poland has a collective memory of capitalist
    society but also within socialism powerful social
    networks catholic church, solidarity trade
    union, nothing of the kind in Russia and FSU. gt
    one might speculate whether this lack of social
    networks made it easier for insiders and
    nomenklatura to capture the state.

40
Positive PER, cont.
  • ? Understanding properties of various political
    institutions in generating efficiency-enhancing
    reforms is an important orientation of future
    research.

41
Conclusions
42
PER and performance
  • ? Wide differences in economic performance can be
    explained as consequences of different reforms
    implemented under different political
    constraints.
  • Other possible aspects
  • Geopolitics and economic performance.
  • 1.
  • CE shift to Western Europe (shedding satellite
    image) and linking in with EU gt after initial
    output fall, fall into lawlessness, corruption,
    and extreme state capture could be prevented.
  • It is not so in Russia, where we have the lost
    empire syndrome.

43
PER and performance cont.
  • 2. PER and disruption of CMEA trade.
  • Collapse of CMEA trade was not purely exogenous.
  • EBRD and IMF tried a dual-track approach as far
    as trade was concerned (2nd track additional
    trade with western businesses). When CE countries
    wanted to freely trade with West, SU insisted on
    world prices for all its trade gt CMEA broke
    down.
  • Conscious policy choice by e.g. CR and Poland to
    see trade with West as a priority.
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