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Sociological Aspects of S/E Career Participation

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Title: Sociological Aspects of S/E Career Participation


1
Sociological Aspects of S/E Career Participation
  • Yu Xie
  • University of Michigan
  • Kimberlee A. Shauman
  • University of California-Davis

2
Presentation Outline
  • Design of study
  • Participation in the S/E Education
  • Participation in the S/E Labor force
  • Summary of evidence regarding common explanations
    for womens underrepresentation

3
WOMEN IN SCIENCE Career Processes and Outcomes
Yu Xie University of Michigan Kimberlee A.
Shauman University of California-Davis
4
Main Features of the Study
  • We take a life course approach.
  • We study the entirety of a career trajectory.
  • We analyzed seventeen large, nationally
    representative datasets.

5
The Life Course Approach
  • Interactive effects across multiple levels.
  • Interactive effects across multiple domains
    education, family, and work.
  • Individual-level variation in career tracks
  • The cumulative nature of the life course

6
Synthetic cohort life course, outcomes examined
and data sources
7
Participation in S/E Secondary Education
  • Critical Filter Hypothesis
  • Women are handicapped by deficits in high school
    mathematics training
  • Coursework Hypothesis
  • Girls fail to participate in the math and science
    college preparatory courses during high school

8
Critical Filter Hypothesis
  • The gender gap in average mathematics achievement
    is small and has been declining.

9
Critical Filter Hypothesis
  • The gender gap in average mathematics achievement
    is small and has been declining.
  • The gender gap in representation among top
    achievers remains significant.

10
Critical Filter Hypothesis
  • The gender gap in average mathematics achievement
    is small and has been declining.
  • The gender gap in representation among top
    achievers remains significant.
  • Gender differences in neither average nor high
    achievement in mathematics explain gender
    differences in the likelihood of majoring in S/E
    fields.

11
Critical Filter Hypothesis
12
Coursework Hypothesis
  • Girls are as likely as boys to take math and
    science courses (except for physics).

13
Coursework Hypothesis
  • Girls are as likely as boys to take math and
    science courses (except for physics).
  • Girls attain significantly better grades in high
    school coursework.

14
Coursework Hypothesis
  • Girls are as likely as boys to take math and
    science courses (except for physics).
  • Girls attain significantly better grades in high
    school coursework.
  • Course participation does not explain gender
    differences in math and science achievement
    scores.

15
Participation in S/E Postsecondary Education
  • Representation of women among bachelors degree
    recipients has increased in almost all S/E fields

16
Participation in S/E Postsecondary Education
  • Representation of women among bachelors degree
    recipients has increased in almost all S/E fields
  • Participation gaps are greatest at the transition
    from high school to college
  • Women are less likely to expect a S/E major
  • Attrition from the S/E educational trajectory is
    greater for women than men at the transition from
    high school to college

17
Sex-specific probabilities for selected pathways
to an S/E baccalaureate
18
Sex-specific probabilities for selected pathways
to an S/E baccalaureate
19
Participation in S/E Postsecondary Education
  • After the transition to college, there are no
    gender differences in persistence

20
Sex-specific probabilities for selected pathways
to an S/E baccalaureate
21
Participation in S/E Postsecondary Education
  • After the transition to college, there are no
    gender differences in persistence
  • Most female S/E baccalaureates had expected to
    pursue non-S/E majors but shifted to S/E after
    entering college

22
Post-S/E baccalaureate career paths
23
Post-S/E baccalaureate career paths
  • Women are more likely than men to drop out of
    education and labor force participation
  • Among those who do not drop out of education
    and the labor force
  • Women and men are equally likely to make the
    transition to either graduate education or work
  • But within either trajectory, women are
    significantly less likely to pursue the S/E path

24
Post-S/E baccalaureate career paths
Female-to-Male Odds Ratios of Career Transitions

Bachelors

Degree in S/E

2.44
Graduate
Work

Studies

Graduate
No Graduate
Working in

Graduate
Working in

School in
School, Not
Non
-
S/E

School in S/E

S/E

Non
-
S/E
Working







25
Participation in the S/E labor force
  • The representation of women in the S/E labor
    force has increased for all fields, but gaps
    persist

26
Participation in the S/E labor force
  • The representation of women in the S/E labor
    force has increased for all fields, but gaps
    persist
  • Women scientists and engineers are less likely to
    be employed full time.
  • Percent employed full time, 1990
  • Women scientists 90.9
  • Men scientists 96.5

27
Achievement in the S/E labor force
  • Women earn significantly less than men

28
Achievement in the S/E labor force
  • Women earn significantly less than men
  • Women are promoted at a significantly lower rate

29
Explanations for gaps in participation and
achievement in the S/E labor force
  • Women are not as geographically mobile as men
  • Women publish at slower rates
  • Womens family roles hamper their career progress

30
Are Womens Rates of Geographic Mobility Limited?
  • This may be true because women are more likely
    than men to be in dual-career families.
  • However, we find
  • Scientists in dual-career families do not have
    lower mobility rates.
  • There are no overall gender differences across
    types of families.
  • Only married women with children have lower
    mobility rates.

31
Predicted Migration Rate by Gender and Family
Structure
32
The Productivity Puzzle
  • Cole and Zuckerman (1984) stated women
    published slightly more than half (57) as many
    papers as men.
  • Long (1992 ) reaffirms none of these
    explanations has been very successful.

33
The Productivity Puzzle
  • Sex differences in research productivity declined
    between 1960s and 1990s.

34
The Productivity Puzzle
  • Sex differences in research productivity declined
    between 1960s and 1990s.
  • Most of the observed sex differences in research
    productivity can be attributed to sex differences
    in background characteristics, employment
    positions and resources, and marital status.

35
The Productivity Puzzle
Estimated Female-to-Male Ratio of Publication
Model description 1969 1973 1988 1993
(0) Sex 0.580 0.632 0.695 0.817
(1) (0) Field Time for Ph.D. Experience 0.630 0.663 0.800 0.789
(2)(1)Institution Rank Teaching Funding RA 0.952 0.936 0.775 0.931
(3) (2) Family/Marital Status 0.997 0.971 0.801 0.944
36
Does a Family Life Hamper Women Scientists
Careers?
  • Marriage per se does not seem to matter much.
  • Married women are disadvantaged only if they have
    children
  • less likely to pursue careers in science and
    engineering after the completion of S/E education
  • less likely to be in the labor force or employed
  • less likely to be promoted
  • and less likely to be geographically mobile

37
Does a Family Life Hamper Women Scientists
Careers?
Post-S/E baccalaureate career paths
Bachelor's
Degree in S/E
Graduate Studies
Working
No Grad,
Grad in
Working in
Grad in S/E
Working in S/E
Not Working
Non-S/E
Non-S/E
(State 1)
(State 3)
(State 5)
(State 2)
(State 4)
38
Female-to-male odds ratio of post-baccalaureate
career paths by family status
Does a Family Life Hamper Women Scientists
Careers?
Family Status Grad school or work Grad school Grad School in S/E Work in S/E
Single 0.90 1.02 0.77 0.78
Married without children 0.28 0.67 0.11 0.72
Married with children 0.05 0.35 0.11 0.39
39
Female-to-Male Ratio in Labor Force Outcomes by
Family Status
Does a Family Life Hamper Women Scientists
Careers?
Family Status Odds of employment Earnings rate Odds of promotion
Single 2.093 0.929 1.118
Married without children 0.560 0.864 0.985
Married with children 0.406 0.857 0.241
40
Summary What are the causes of the persistent
inequities in science?
  • Common explanations not supported
  • Critical Filter Hypothesis
  • Coursework Hypothesis
  • Explanations supported
  • Supply problem
  • Segregation
  • Familial gender roles

41
Supply problem
  • Interest in science is relatively low among girls
    and young women
  • Expectation of an S/E college major
  • Participation in S/E during college
  • Women are significantly less likely to utilize
    S/E human capital
  • Achievement
  • Post-baccalaureate pursuit of S/E
  • Transition to the S/E labor force

42
Segregation
  • Women and men are segregated within science by
    field and by employment setting
  • Women are most likely to be in the biological
    sciences Men are most likely to be in
    engineering
  • Gender gaps in transition to the S/E labor force
    and earnings
  • Women employed in teaching colleges Men more
    likely employed in research universities
  • Gender gaps in publication productivity and
    earnings

43
Familial gender roles
  • Marriage per se does not seem to matter much.
  • Married women are disadvantaged only when they
    have children
  • less likely to pursue S/E careers after the
    completion of S/E education
  • less likely to be in the labor force or employed
    full time
  • less likely to be promoted
  • and less likely to be geographically mobile
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