The Relation Between

1
The Relation Between Stress Accent and
Pronunciation Variation in Spontaneous American
English Discourse Steven Greenberg, Hannah
Carvey, Leah Hitchcock and Shuangyu
Chang International Computer Science
Institute 1947 Center Street, Berkeley, CA
94704 steveng, hmcarvey, leahh,
shawnc_at_icsi.berkeley.edu
2
Acknowledgements and Thanks
Research Funding U.S. Department of
Defense U.S. National Science Foundation
3
For Further Information
Consult the web site www.icsi.berkel
ey.edu/steveng
4
OVERTURE A Central Challenge for Models of
Speech Recognition
5
Pronunciation Variability
6
Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech
Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday
life are extremely diverse
7
Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech
Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday
life are extremely diverse There are literally
dozens of ways in which common words are
pronounced
8
Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech
Pronunciation patterns encountered in everyday
life are extremely diverse There are literally
dozens of ways in which common words are
pronounced (as the following two slides
illustrate for the word AND based on manual
phonetic annotation of a corpus comprising
telephone dialogues)
9
How Many Pronunciations of and?
Canonical pronunciation
10
How Many Pronunciations of and?
11
Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech
The are literally dozens of ways in which common
words are pronounced And as the following slide
illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from
the same corpus (Switchboard)
12
Pronunciation Variability of Real Speech
The are literally dozens of ways in which common
words are pronounced And as the following slide
illustrates for the 20 most frequent words from
the same corpus (Switchboard) (which together
account for 35 of the word tokens in the corpus)
13
How Many Different Pronunciations?
The 20 most frequent words account for 35 of the
tokens
14
QUESTION How do listeners decode the speech
signal given the large amount of pronunciation
variation?
15
PART ONE Anatomy of a Syllable
16
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure
17
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position
18
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position (as
well as stress accent level)
19
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position (as
well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we
will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of
syllables separately in order to gain insight
into the underlying patterns
20
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position (as
well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we
will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of
syllables separately in order to gain insight
into the underlying patterns The most common
English syllable form is Onset Nucleus Coda
(Nine)
21
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position (as
well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we
will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of
syllables separately in order to gain insight
into the underlying patterns The most common
English syllable form is Onset Nucleus Coda
(Nine) Followed in popularity by Onset
Nucleus (Two)
22
The Importance of the Syllable
The analyses to follow are all linked, in some
fashion, to syllable structure In order to
highlight patterns germane to variation in
segmental duration it is necessary to partition
the data in terms of syllable position (as
well as stress accent level) As a consequence, we
will examine the onsets, codas and nuclei of
syllables separately in order to gain insight
into the underlying patterns The most common
English syllable form is Onset Nucleus Coda
(Nine) Followed in popularity by Onset
Nucleus (Two) Onset segments often differ in
significant ways from their coda counterparts
23
PART TWO Being Phonetically and Prosodically
Annotated
24
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and segmented)
25
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed    
26
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level
27
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level
28
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level
29
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level A 45
minute-subset of this material has been
hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent
30
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level A 45
minute-subset of this material has been
hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4
hours of the corpus has been automatically
labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used
in the current analyses)
31
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level A 45
minute-subset of this material has been
hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4
hours of the corpus has been automatically
labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used
in the current analyses) There is a Lot of
Diversity in the Material Transcribed
32
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level A 45
minute-subset of this material has been
hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4
hours of the corpus has been automatically
labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used
in the current analyses) There is a Lot of
Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans
speech of both genders (ca. 50/50), reflecting a
wide range of American dialectal variation,
speaking rate and voice quality
33
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
Telephone Dialogues of 5-10 minutes duration,
from the SWITCHBOARD corpus, have been
phonetically annotated (labeled and
segmented) Most of this material has been
manually transcribed     4 hours labeled
at the phone level and segmented at the syllable
level 1 hour labeled and segmented at the
phonetic-segment level The remaining 4 hours
automatically segmented at the phone level A 45
minute-subset of this material has been
hand-labeled w.r.t. stress accent The remaining 4
hours of the corpus has been automatically
labeled w.r.t. stress accent (though is not used
in the current analyses) There is a Lot of
Diversity in the Material Transcribed Spans
speech of both genders (ca. 50/50), reflecting a
wide range of American dialectal variation,
speaking rate and voice quality Transcription
System A variant of Arpabet (same as used for the
TIMIT corpus)
34
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
The Data are Available at .
35
Phonetic Transcription of Spontaneous English
The Data are Available at . http//www.ics
i/berkeley.edu/real/stp
36
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria

37
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished

38
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy

39
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light

40
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None

41
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None

42
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None
• (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to fully
  accented syllables, a null to completely
  unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others)

43
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None
• (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to fully
  accented syllables, a null to completely
  unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others)
• An example of the annotation (attached to the
  vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent
  levels could not be derived from a dictionary)

44
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None
• (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to fully
  accented syllables, a null to completely
  unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others)
• An example of the annotation (attached to the
  vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent
  levels could not be derived from a dictionary)
• In this example most of the syllables are
  unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented
  (0.5)

45
Annotation of Stress Accent

• Forty-five minutes of the Switchboard corpus was
  manually labeled with respect to stress accent
  using perceptual criteria
• Three levels of accent were distinguished
• Heavy Light None
• (In actuality, labelers assigned a 1 to fully
  accented syllables, a null to completely
  unaccented syllables, and a 0.5 to all others)
• An example of the annotation (attached to the
  vocalic nucleus) is shown below (where the accent
  levels could not be derived from a dictionary)
• In this example most of the syllables are
  unaccented, with two labeled as lightly accented
  (0.5) (and one other labeled as very lightly
  accented (0.25))

46
Annotation of Stress Accent
The data are available at .
47
Annotation of Stress Accent
The data are available at . http//www.ics
i/berkeley.edu/steveng/prosody
48
Automatic Labeling of Stress Accent

• This forty-five minutes of hand-labeled prosodic
  (and phonetic) annotation from the Switchboard
  corpus was used as training data for development
  of an Automatic Stress Accent Labeling System
  (AutoSAL)

49
How Good is AutoSAL?

• There is an 79 concordance between human and
  machine accent labels when the tolerance level is
  a quarter-step

50
How Good is AutoSAL?

• There is an 79 concordance between human and
  machine accent labels when the tolerance level is
  a quarter-step
• There is 97.5 concordance when the tolerance
  level is half a step

51
How Good is AutoSAL?

• There is an 79 concordance between human and
  machine accent labels when the tolerance level is
  a quarter-step
• There is 97.5 concordance when the tolerance
  level is half a step
• This degree of concordance is as high as that
  exhibited by two highly trained (human)
  transcribers

52
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?

53
AutoSAL Features The Full Monty

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?

54
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration

55
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy

56
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity

57
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity
  (and its acoustic correlates)

58
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity
  (and its acoustic correlates)
• Pitch-related features are (relatively)
  unimportant for stress-accent labeling

59
Acoustic/Phonetic/Linguistic Basis of Accent

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity
  (and its acoustic correlates)
• Pitch-related features are (relatively)
  unimportant for stress-accent labeling
• The Full Monty.

60
AutoSAL The Full Monty (in text)
45 feature sets were used in a near-exhaustive
search for the most relevant parameters
associated with stress accent
61
AutoSAL Features The Full Monty

• What are the most important features for
  simulating stress-accent labeling using AutoSAL?
• Duration, (normalized) energy, vocalic identity
  (and its acoustic correlates)
• Pitch-related features are (relatively)
  unimportant for stress-accent labeling

62
PART THREE Stress Accent and Syllable Position
63
Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent
Pronunciation variation is systematic at the
level of the syllable
Deletions

• All Segments

CODA Territory
Substitutions
Insertions
ONSET Territory
NUCLEUS Territory
64
Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent
Pronunciation variation is systematic at the
level of the syllable Particularly when stress
accent is also taken into account
Deletions

• All Segments

CODA Territory
Substitutions
Insertions
ONSET Territory
NUCLEUS Territory
65
Pronunciation Variation Syllable and Accent
Pronunciation variation is systematic at the
level of the syllable Particularly when stress
accent is also taken into account BOTH syllable
structure and accent level are required for a
full accounting
Deletions

• All Segments

CODA Territory
Substitutions
Insertions
ONSET Territory
NUCLEUS Territory
66
PART FOUR Stress Accent and the Vocalic Nucleus
67
Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed
There is a large dynamic range in duration
between accented and unaccented vocalic nuclei
Canonical Syllable Forms
68
Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed
There is a large dynamic range in duration
between accented and unaccented vocalic
nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low
monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic
range than the lax monophthongs
Canonical Syllable Forms
69
Durational Differences - Stressed/Unstressed
There is a large dynamic range in duration
between accented and unaccented vocalic
nuclei Moreover, diphthongs and tense, low
monophthongs tend to exhibit a larger dynamic
range than the lax monophthongs
Lax monophthongs
Canonical Syllable Forms
70
Vocalic Variation Importance of Stress Accent

• The vowels of heavily accented syllables are
  (mostly) pronounced canonically

Canonical Pronunciations
Non-Canonical Pronunciations
71
Vocalic Variation Importance of Stress Accent

• The vowels of heavily accented syllables are
  (mostly) pronounced canonically
• Low vowels are largely the province of accented
  syllables

Canonical Pronunciations
Non-Canonical Pronunciations
72
Vocalic Variation Importance of Stress Accent

• The vowels of heavily accented syllables are
  (mostly) pronounced canonically
• Low vowels are largely the province of accented
  syllables, and
• High vowels the province of unaccented syllables

Canonical Pronunciations
Non-Canonical Pronunciations
73
Vocalic Variation Importance of Stress Accent

• The vowels of heavily accented syllables are
  (mostly) pronounced canonically
• Low vowels are largely the province of accented
  syllables, and
• High vowels the province of unaccented syllables
• Moreover, theres a lexical bias towards high
  vowels for unaccented forms

Canonical Pronunciations
Non-Canonical Pronunciations
74
Vocalic Variation Importance of Stress Accent

• The vowels of heavily accented syllables are
  (mostly) pronounced canonically
• Low vowels are largely the province of accented
  syllables, and
• High vowels the province of unaccented syllables
• Moreover, theres a lexical bias towards high
  vowels for unaccented forms
• Thats reinforced in patterns of deviation from
  canonical pronunciation

Canonical Pronunciations
Non-Canonical Pronunciations
75
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical

• Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to
  descend when unaccented

Amount of Change
Direction of Change
76
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical

• Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to
  descend when unaccented
• Vocalic lowering of height is rare

Amount of Change
Direction of Change
77
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical

• Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to
  descend when unaccented
• Vocalic lowering of height is rare
• Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel
  height

Amount of Change
Direction of Change
78
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical

• Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to
  descend when unaccented
• Vocalic lowering of height is rare
• Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel
  height
• More than a single height step deviation is
  uncommon

Amount of Change
Direction of Change
79
Vocalic Height Deviation from Canonical

• Vowels are more likely to RISE in height than to
  descend when unaccented
• Vocalic lowering of height is rare
• Most deviations from the canonical maintain vowel
  height
• More than a single height step deviation is
  uncommon
• Virtually all 2-step height deviations occur in
  unaccented syllables

Amount of Change
Direction of Change
80
The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent)

• In unaccented nuclei there is a relatively even
  distribution of segments across the vowel space,
  with a slight bias towards the front and central
  vowels

81
The Vowel Space Under (Full) Stress (Accent)

• In unaccented nuclei there is a relatively even
  distribution of segments across the vowel space,
  with a slight bias towards the front and central
  vowels

Canonical Vowels Only
82
The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent

• In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined
  largely to the high-front and high-central
  sectors of the articulatory space

83
The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent

• In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined
  largely to the high-front and high-central
  sectors of the articulatory space

Canonical Vowels Only
84
The Vowel Space Without (Stress) Accent

• In unaccented syllables, vowels are confined
  largely to the high-front and high-central
  sectors of the articulatory space
• The low and mid vowels get creamed

Canonical Vowels Only
85
The Vowel Spaces Compared

• Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the
  character of the vowel space

Heavily Accented
Unaccented
Canonical Vowels Only
86
The Vowel Spaces Compared

• Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the
  character of the vowel space
• High vowels are largely associated with
  unaccented syllables

Heavily Accented
Unaccented
Canonical Vowels Only
87
The Vowel Spaces Compared

• Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the
  character of the vowel space
• High vowels are largely associated with
  unaccented syllables
• Low vowels are mostly associated with accented
  forms

Heavily Accented
Unaccented
Canonical Vowels Only
88
The Vowel Spaces Compared

• Stress accent exerts a profound effect on the
  character of the vowel space
• High vowels are largely associated with
  unaccented syllables
• Low vowels are mostly associated with accented
  forms
• This distinction between accented and unaccented
  syllables is of profound importance for
  understanding (and modeling) pronunciation
  variation

Heavily Accented
Unaccented
Canonical Vowels Only
89
PART FIVE Stress Accents Impact on Syllable
Onsets and Codas
90
Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets
The onset is often cited as the key syllabic
constituent with respect to lexical access
91
Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets
The onset is often cited as the key syllabic
constituent with respect to lexical access It
is therefore of interest to ascertain how the
onsets phonetic realization behaves as a
function of accent level
92
Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets
The onset is often cited as the key syllabic
constituent with respect to lexical access It
is therefore of interest to ascertain how the
onsets phonetic realization behaves as a
function of accent level Usually, non-canonical
realizations are manifest as segmental deletions
93
Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets
The onset is often cited as the key syllabic
constituent with respect to lexical access It
is therefore of interest to ascertain how the
onsets phonetic realization behaves as a
function of accent level Usually, non-canonical
realizations are manifest as segmental deletions
(there are also durational ramifications, as
discussed in my TIPS presentation earlier in the
week)
94
Stress Accent and Syllable Onsets
The onset is often cited as the key syllabic
constituent with respect to lexical access It
is therefore of interest to ascertain how the
onsets phonetic realization behaves as a
function of accent level Usually, non-canonical
realizations are manifest as segmental deletions
(there are also durational ramifications, as
discussed in my TIPS presentation earlier in the
week) But before we examine the segmental
patterns, a brief primer is presented on the
articulatory basis of segmental production
95
Place of Articulation A Brief Primer
The tongue contacts (or nearly so) the roof of
the mouth in producing many of the consonantal
sounds in English
Anterior Labial p b
m Labio-dental f v Inter-dental
th dh Central Alveolar
t d n s z Posterior Palatal
sh zh Velar k g
ng Chameleon Rhoticized r Lateral
l Approximant hh

From Daniloff (1973)
96
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Onsets

• The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally
  canonically realized (the exceptions typically
  function as junctures, rather than as segments)

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
97
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Onsets

• The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR onsets are generally
  canonically realized (the exceptions typically
  function as junctures, rather than as segments)
• The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON onsets are often
  non-canonical (and also often function as
  junctures)

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
98
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas
Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs
from that of onsets
99
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas
Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs
from that of onsets There is a far greater
probability of segmental deletion in coda
constituents
100
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas
Stress accents impact on syllable codas differs
from that of onsets There is a far greater
probability of segmental deletion in coda
constituents Accent level exerts a powerful
influence on segmental deletion, as well as on
segmental duration
101
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas

• The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally
  canonically realized (the exceptions typically
  function as junctures, rather than segments)

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
102
Pronunciation Patterns Syllable Codas

• The ANTERIOR and POSTERIOR codas are generally
  canonically realized (the exceptions typically
  function as junctures, rather than segments)
• The CENTRAL and PLACE CHAMELEON segments are
  often non-canonical (and also often function as
  junctures)

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
103
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas

• Onsets tend to be more stable than codas

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
104
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas

• Onsets tend to be more stable than codas
• The centrally articulated segments are highly
  unstable in both contexts

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
105
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas

• Onsets tend to be more stable than codas
• The centrally articulated segments are highly
  unstable in both contexts
• As are the place chameleons

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
106
Comparison of Syllable Onsets and Codas

• Onsets tend to be more stable than codas
• The centrally articulated segments are highly
  unstable in both contexts
• As are the place chameleons
• The unstable anterior and posterior phones are
  mostly junctures

C Canonical realization N Non-canonical
realization, N0 Non-canonical in unaccented
syllables
107
FINALE Whats Going on in Pronunciation?
108
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms

109
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and

110
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not

111
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior

112
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables

113
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position

114
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups

115
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented

116
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented

117
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space

118
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space
• The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the
  high-front and high-central regions of the vowel
  space

119
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space
• The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the
  high-front and high-central regions of the vowel
  space
• Certain segments are actually junctures e.g.,
  the flaps and the glottal stop

120
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space
• The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the
  high-front and high-central regions of the vowel
  space
• Certain segments are actually junctures e.g.,
  the flaps and the glottal stop
• Several other so-called segments are junctures as
  well

121
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space
• The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the
  high-front and high-central regions of the vowel
  space
• Certain segments are actually junctures e.g.,
  the flaps and the glottal stop
• Several other so-called segments are junctures as
  well (as they function like flaps), the most
  noteworthy examples being dh and v

122
Whats Going On? (in pronunciation)

• With respect to onset and coda segments, there
  are two basic forms (1) those that are
  relatively stable across accent level, and
  (2) those that are not
• Most of the non-continuants (i.e., stops and
  nasals) are stable when the locus of articulation
  constriction is either anterior or posterior
• The centrally articulated stops and nasals are
  highly unstable, particularly in coda position
  and in unaccented syllables
• The place chameleons (i.e., the approximants) are
  not very stable in either onset or coda position
• The vowels form two basic groups (1) accented
  and (2) unaccented
• The accented vowels are generally canonically
  realized and quasi-evenly distributed across the
  vowel space
• The unaccented forms tend to concentrate in the
  high-front and high-central regions of the vowel
  space
• Certain segments are actually junctures e.g.,
  the flaps and the glottal stop
• Several other so-called segments are junctures as
  well (as they function like flaps), the most
  noteworthy examples being dh and v
• None of these properties is consistent with a
  segmental model of language

123
Thats All, Folks Many Thanks for Your Time and
Attention