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1
Acoustic voice correlate variation by dialect
Data from Venezuelan Spanish Stephanie LainThe
University of Texas at Austin
Abstract
Research Questions
  • Fixed effect dialect showed significance (p
    .05) for RMS in initial and medial contexts (p
    .004 p .042).
  • Fixed effect voicing category was significant
    for consonant duration, VF, RMS, F1 onset and
    burst in initial and medial contexts.
  • Voicing category showed significant values for
    preceding vowel duration and CV ratio in medial
    position.
  • Voicing category values for VOT were significant
    in initial position (p .000), but not in medial
    position (p .142).
  • F0 contour failed to achieve significance in
    either initial (p .996) or medial position (p
    .552).
  • The fixed effect condition showed significant
    values for consonant duration in both initial and
    medial contexts (p .000).
  • VOT and RMS were also significant for condition
    in initial position only (p .000).
  • In initial position, the interaction of voicing
    category dialect was significant for consonant
    duration and VOT (p .000 p .026).
  • Figure 2 shows the interaction of voicing
    category dialect for consonant duration
    (initial position).
  • Figure 4 shows the interaction of voicing
    category dialect for RMS (initial position).
  • FIG. 4. Initial RMS interaction voicing category
    dialect.
  • For the interaction dialect condition
    (speeded/ unspeeded), the only significant
    variable was preceding vowel duration (p .005).
  • RMS was shown to uphold the difference between
    MAR and MER. Difference greater in initial than
    in medial contexts.
  • All correlates (with the exception of F0
    contour) showed significance for the fixed effect
    voicing category.
  • What robust acoustic correlates to voice
    emerge?
  • Are the acoustic correlate inventories
    substantially different in the two dialects?
  • Assuming differences are found, what
    generalizations can be made?
  • Are there observable differences across prosody
    and rate of speech?
  • The present study is an investigation of
    acoustic correlates corresponding to the category
    voice in two dialects of Venezuelan Spanish.
    The Andean mountain dialect Mérida (MER) and
    Caribbean coastal dialect Margarita (MAR) are
    thought to differ systematically in the phonetic
    implementation of the Spanish phonological stop
    series along the lines of lowland and highland
    divides commonly reported for Latin American
    Spanish. Specifically, MER has been characterized
    by a greater percentage of occlusive
    pronunciations, MAR by more fricative and/or
    approximant realizations of phonological stops.
    To test what repercussions these differences in
    consonant articulation have on the acoustic
    correlates that encode voice, a production
    experiment was run.
  • Informants were 25 adult monolingual speakers of
    Venezuelan Spanish from the areas of El Tirano
    (Margarita Island) and San Rafael de Mucuchíes
    (Mérida state). The materials were 44 CV syllable
    prompts. Target syllables were analyzed with
    respect to the following consonant closure
    duration, VOT, VF, RMS, preceding vowel
    duration, CV ratio, F1 onset frequency, F0
    contour, and burst. Statistical analysis using a
    linear mixed model ANOVA tested for fixed effects
    of voicing category, dialect and condition
    (speeded/unspeeded) and interactions of voicing
    category dialect and dialect
    condition. Results showed that the dialects MER
    and MAR vary significantly in RMS. In addition,
    the following correlates were significant for the
    interaction of voicing category dialect
    consonant duration, VOT, VF, RMS, CV ratio and
    burst. Generally, the nature of the differences
    indicates a greater separation between voice
    values in MER than in MAR (notably divergent are
    VOT and RMS). These results imply that while the
    same acoustic correlates of voice are operative
    in both fortis and lenis dialects of Spanish,
    voice categories relate differently.
    Furthermore, with regard to prosody and rate of
    speech, most significant differences in condition
    occurred in initial position while most
    significant differences in the interaction of
    voicing category dialect were linked to medial
    position. The results of this study are relevant
    to current research on the specifics of dialectal
    variation in consonant systems. They also have
    wider implications for the general mapping of
    phonetics to phonology in speech.
  • Articulatory gestures condition the contrastive
    use of voice in speech across languages
    (Pickett, 1999).
  • However, many fine laryngeal adjustments
    contribute to perceived quality of voicing these
    vary cross-linguistically.
  • Substantial language variation, several ways to
    do a 2-way voicing contrast across languages
    (Hoole, Gobl, Ni Chasaide, 1999 Ni Chasaide
    Gobl, 1993).
  • Is this true of dialects as well?
  • Lewis 2000- Found systematic differences between
    Bilbao, Caracas and Medellín dialects.
  • Hualde 2005- Reports variation between dialects
    with respect to stop consonant voicing.
  • Martínez Celdrán, 2006- Murcia data show
    phonetic voicing in both
  • voice.
  • Two dialects of Venezuelan Spanish (Margarita
    MAR and Mérida
  • MER) commonly reported to differ in stop
    consonant pronunciation (Lipski 1994).
  •  

Materials and Procedure
  • Informants were 25 adult monolingual speakers of
    Spanish- 14 from MAR (4 males, 10 females) and 11
    from MER (4 males, 7 females)- between 20-35 yrs.
    of age.
  • Materials were 44 CV syllable prompts, preceded
    by the word son.
  • During the session, subjects were asked to
    create a nonsense word based on the syllable that
    appeared
  • (e.g. Son TO -gt Son toróto)
  • Contexts? Word-initial (n CVC) and word-medial
    (n CVC).
  • Speeded and unspeeded trials.
  • Measurements taken from a Wavesurfer (Sjölander
    Beskow, 2006) spectrogram display viewed in
    conjunction with waveform and pitch tracks.
  • Measured 9 acoustic correlates.
  • 7 in initial consonant duration, VOT, VF, RMS,
    F1 onset frequency, F0 contour following closure,
    presence/ absence of release burst.
  • 9 in medial (see above) preceding vowel
    duration and CV ratio.
  • A linear mixed model statistical analysis was
    performed using SPSS software. Word-initial and
    word-medial were analyzed separately.
  • The linear mixed model used in this study tested
    for fixed effects of dialect, voicing category,
    and condition (speeded/ unspeeded).
  • It also tested for interactions between voicing
    category dialect and dialect condition.
  • Figure 1 shows an example of a VCV (/ibi/)
    waveform spectrogram slice for MAR (on the left)
    and MER (on the right).

Discussion
Background
Results
Selected References
  • Hoole, P., Gobl, C., Chasaide, A. (1999).
    Laryngeal coarticulation. In W. Hardcastle N.
    Hewlett (Eds.). Coarticulation Theory, Data and
    Techniques (pps. 105-143). Cambridge Cambridge
    University Press.
  • Hualde, J. (2005). The Sounds of Spanish.
    Cambridge Cambridge University Press.
  • Lewis, A. (2000). Acoustic variability of
    intervocalic voiceless stop consonants in three
    Spanish dialects. In H. Campos, E. Herberger, A.
    Morales-Front, T. Walsh (Eds.),
    Hispanic Linguistics at the Turn of the
    Millennium Papers from the 3rd Hispanic
    Linguistics Symposium (pp. 101-114).
    Sommerville Cascadilla Press.
  • Lipski, J. (1994). Latin American Spanish. New
    York Longman.
  • Martínez Celdrán, E. (2006). Remarks delivered
    during a keynote address. 3rd Conference
    on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonology,
    Sept. 2006
  • Ni Chasaide, A. Gobl, C. (1993). Contextual
    variation of the vowel voice source as a function
    of adjacent consonants. Language and Speech,
    36(2-3), 303-330.
  • Pickett, J. (1999). The Acoustics of speech
    communication Fundamentals, speech perception,
    theory, and technology. Boston Allyn and Bacon.
  • Sjölander, K. Beskow, J. Wavesurfer (2006). An
    open source speech tool, Centre for
    Speech Technology, KTH, Drottning Kristinas väg
    31, SE-100 44, Sweden.
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