Title: "Minorities in Europe
1"Minorities in EuropeSession 8 Russian
minority in abroad. The case of the Baltic States
- Denis Gruber
- Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State
University - DAAD-Lecturer for Sociology
2Classical American Sociology of migration
- Assimilation Integration
- a one-side process which has to be fulfilled by
migrants / ethnic minorities (cf. Sellin 1938,
Park/Burgess 1921) - the goal is full assimilation of migrants and
their descendants - cultural adaptation of migrants to the culture of
the majority society - 5 stages of race relation cycle (Robert E. Park
/ Ernest W. Burgess 1921) - migration into a new territory
- after a peaceful phase of becomming acquainted a
competition for short ressources arise - results in a conflict
- segregation and separation of the ethnic group
and increased interethnic contacts and
intermingling (melting pot) - full assimilation adisbandment of ethnic group(s)
3Newer American Sociology of migration
- Shmuel N. Eisenstadt (1954) 3 stages of
assimilation of Jews in Israel - migration and absorption of minorities (absolute
adaptation of the members of diaspora) - minorities have to orientate by re-sozialisation
to the norms of the majority society and old
(traditional) norms do not have further relevance - absorption is more an exception than a rule what
results in stratification of the minority
societies
4Newer American Sociology of migration
- Gordon (1964) assimilation as a 7th stage
process, but not all stages have to be passed by
immigrants because there is not a logical order
of stages - main focus on passing a structural assimilation
- Integration of minorities depends on their
capabilities to incorporate in institutions of
the majority society - assimilation is often not succesful because it
stops at the behavioral level - melting pot- conzept has failed because
segregation and isolation by US American society
hinder one-sided expectations of assimilation - integration does not only depend on the will of
minorities or migrants, but also by the will of
the majority society and nation-state integration
policy to eleminate ethnic discrimination and to
guarantee the same law for all citizens
5Newer American Sociology of migration
- in the following years more and more a view was
constructed that integration is not only a
singular task of migrants or minorialso an active
participation of the members of the majority
society - Ronald Taft (1957) Stage model of assimilation
contradicts the formal adaptation of only one
unit to the other one and emphasizes the
possibility of mutual adaptation, which takes
place by interactions and parallel existence of
the groups - assimilative social integration depends on
contextual conditions of the host state
6Hartmut Esser - Assimilation
- Assimilation is not a political concept of
ethnic or cultural adaptation - adoptation of different groups in certain
characteristis as language ability and filling
of jobs - assimilation does not mean absolute equality of
actors because also the domestic population is
not homogenous - important is the fact that there are no
systematic differences in the distribution of
certain characteristics and ressources
fordifferent groups in one society - assimilation means dissolution of systematic
differences between groups and categories, but
not the equality of individuals in every
department - there can be social inequalities but not between
ethnic groups! - domestic and minority population participate
equally at laws and ressources of a society
(Esser 200121 f.)
7Annett Treibel (1999
- Assimilation is not the state or result of
adaptation but a process of gradual adaptation - for Heckmann (1992) the will for acculturation of
migrants is a necessary but not sufficient
condition for integration ? results often in
accomodation ? refers to a gradual form of
assimilation - learning and adaptation processes of persons
which by a change of location have to appropriate
basic means and rules of communication and
activity of the new society and knowledge of
institutions and belief systems to be able for
interaction and working (Heckmann 1992 168) - Aus dieser Definition geht hervor, dass sich
Migranten und ethnische Minderheiten einen
bestimmten Fundus von Wissensbeständen und
Qualifikationen aneignen, der für die
Kommunikation in der Mehrheitsgesellschaft
notwendig ist, allerdings brauchen sich hierdurch
nicht notwendigerweise die Denkweisen, Werte,
Vorlieben und Ãœberzeugungen der Migranten und
Minderheitenakteure zu verändern.
8Assimilation or Integration
- Asimilaton adaption of language, cultural
traditions, norms, behavior patterns of the host
society - in contradiction to cultural and ethnic pluralis
- Integration processes by which migrants or
minorities will be accepted members of the host
society - mutual process which have to be fulfilled by
minorities and majority - requires efforts and good will
9Integration
- Interactions by actors and actors interaction in
the social system - Integration depens on the willingness of migrants
and/or ethnic minorities as well as orientations
and problem solutions of the titular society - Integration requires the disappearing of ethnic
discrimination and the acceptance of the same
laws for ethnic majorities as well as minorities
(Gordon, 1964252)
10Integration
- is() a process of political and social
inclusion of the excluded, and was defined in
an operational way as a process of removing
barriers which prevented non-Estonians from
participating in the local social and political
life, from being competitive in the labour
market, and from taking advantage of the
opportunities of the Estonian educational
system. (Lauristin/Heidmets 2002b 324)
11- noticeable in this view on integration is that
the propagate approach of the Estonian government
does not distinguish between Integration and
Inclusion - No difference between systemic Integration and
social integration of migrants and/or members
of ethnic groups - Common understanding of integration and
inclusion means that the individual integration
process in the Lebenswelt is similarily to the
inclusion in the Estonian titular society
(special rights, occupying of certain positions,
appropriation of important societal ressources) - therefore it is important to distinguish between
the complex processes of systemic and social
integration of the Russian Minority in Estonia
12- use of the integration approach of German scholar
Hartmut Esser (1999, 2001) - differs between social and systemic integration
- allows to focus on processes of inclusion and
exclusion of ethnic minorities - on the one hand, social and systemic integration
can be distinguished as single units, but
otherwise systemic integration is pursued by
actors interaction - In this way, the sociological differentiation of
social system theory and actors theory have
to be seen as an interplay, because actors are
able to consolidate and change social systems
13Systemic Integration
- takes place independently (anonymiously) from the
motives and relationships of individual actors - refers to the integration in a social system like
integration in the world-market, nation-state,
international concerns, corporative actors or
supra-national entities like the EU - refers to particular mechanisms of the market,
institutioanl laws of the nation-state and
particular media resources (not mass media, but
money)
14Social Integration
- focuses on motives, orientations, and purposes of
individual actors, - refers to the embedding process of individual
actors in a social system - is associated with the grant of laws, learning of
the titular populations language, embedding in
the education system and the national employment
market, interethnic friendships and
identification with the nation-state - my thesis succesful social integration of
ethnic minorities can not only be evaluated by
their embedding in the Lebenswelt but also by
their inclusion in the sub-systems of the social
system of the titular society and possibilities
to control important resources in state and
society
15Spheres of Social Integration
- titular society
- ethnic community in the titular society (Russian
group in Estonia) - Society of origin (kinship, ethnic networks,
transnatonalism, translocalism)
16Four types of social integration
- plural integration integration in the titular
society as well as in the ethnic community and
the society of origin - segmentation / segregation integration in an
ethnic milieu (Chinese in New York, Turkeys in
Berlin) ? establishment of We-Groups - marginalisation Park (1928, marginal man)
disintegration in the titular society as well as
in the society of origin/ethnic community ?
processes of self-exclusion, no language
assimilation, marginal interactions and
identification with the own ethnic community as
well as members of the titular society - assimilation dominant model of integration in
European societies
17Dimensions of social integration
- Placement
- societal position of migrants and/or ethnic
minorities in a social system e.g. labour
market positions - important for pursuing ressources
- bounded to certain laws, like citizenship,
election laws - Culturation
- process of adoptation
- necessary knowledge and qualifications for the
interaction in the titular society, like language - often results in acculturation semi or partial
culturation
18Acculturation
- exchange of cultural features that results when
groups of individuals having different cultures
come into continuous first hand contact - original cultural patterns of either or both
groups may be altered, but the groups remain
distinct (cf. Kottak 2007) - anthropologists Redfield, Linton and Herskovits
(1936, p. 149) developed the oft quoted
definition - "Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which
result when groups of individuals having
different cultures come into continuous
first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in
the original culture patterns of either or both
groups".
19Dimensions of social integration
- Interactions
- helpful for minority actors to come in contact
with the members of the titular society - Identification
- emotional/identificative orientation of actors
with the titular society as well as the society
of origin
20Ethnic Russian Minority in Estonia
- have an ethnic Russian migration background (even
descendants of migrations migrants of the 2nd or
3rd generation) - have citizenship of Estonia, Russia or are
stateless - are using the Russian language in everyday life
as primary language
21The question of citizenship
- members of the Russian group have been divided in
two sub-groups - Those who have been already lived in the First
Estonian Republic f(1918-1940) and their
descendants) - those who were comming to ESSR as labourforce in
the course of the industrialisation process - last group has been classified by conservative
Estonian Politicians as a threat for the achieved
national souveranity and where called from now on
Aliens
22Alien
- Term Alien (Estonian muulane) is used for a
person of another nationalitaty (Alien Law by
July 1992) - An alien is a person who is not an Estonian
citizen and aliens staying in Estonia are
guaranteed rights and freedoms equal to those of
Estonian citizens unless the constitution, this
Act, other Acts or international agreements of
Estonia provide otherwise. Aliens are guaranteed
the rights and freedoms arising from the
generally recognised rules of international law
and international custom. Aliens staying in
Estonia are required to observe the
constitutional order and legislation of Estonia.
23Statelessness
- main problem of exclusive citizenship regulations
refers to the large number of non-citizens in
Estonia - marker for lacking placement in the political
system of Estonia (cf. Barrington 1995,
Poleshchuk 2004, Semjonova 2001), emphasized also
by UNHCR (2007a) und Amnesty International (2006) - although the number of stateless has decreased
from ca. 400,000 in 1991 to 124,681 in 2007, a
rising stagnition for citizenship by
naturalization is obvious (cf. EMFA 2005) - more than the half of applicants are minors of
which more than one third passed the language and
citizenship test (ibid.) - on the average more than 60 per cent of
apllicants pass the waystage user-Test (cf.
Tomusk 2002 46) - relatively low success rate has to be traced back
to the fact that individual efforts and
test-specific requirements have to be fulfilled
to get Estonian citizenship - otherwise one has to give attention to the fact
that ca. 275,000 ethnic Russians who have been
stateless did not decide for Estonian but for
Russian citizenship
24Connection between citizenship and ressources
- What are the reasons that ethnic Russians decide
for Estonian citizenship? - What are the reasons that ethnic Russians decide
for Russian citizenship? - What are the reasons that ethnic Russians in
Estonia decide to stay stateless?
25Reasons for application for Estonian citizenship
and its functions
- by Estonian citizenship comprehensive political
rights (e.g. right to vote) and possible upward
moility in high political and administrative
positions can be reached - those ethnic Russians without Estonian
citizenship are missing automatically lower
political rights of participation - non-citizens of Estonia do not have the
possibility to practice active and passive
electoral rights by the election of the Estonian
national assembly - they also do not have the passive electoral right
in local elections - Non-Estonians do not can candidate for political
positions and administrative positions as well as
do not can work in leading positions of state
enterprises (cf. EP 2000) - only Estonian citizens can be member of Estonian
political parties what complicate the
representation of interest of non-citizens (cf.
Elsuwege 2004 26)
26Reasons for application for Estonian citizenship
and its functions
- ethnic Russians are conscious about their
decission to apply for Estonian citizenship or
not - will to become an Estonian and will for placement
(political inclusion) depends on very rational
motives and criteria - to be a full member of the Estonian society
- to have better chances on the Estonian and EU
labour market - to give children a better future and career
chances - to be EU-citizen and not be exluded from taking
part in elections (elections of the European
Parliament) - for younger stateless persons a trend is obvious
that a decission pro Estonia offers
opportunities - possibilities to travel in EU without barriers
and to study and work there
27Reasons for application for Russian citizenship
and its functions
- three main reasons
- Measures of Russias diaspora policy
- existence of social networks
- appropriation of economic advantages
- Appropriation of pension entitlements
- Economy of Citizenship
28- Russias diaspora policy
- particularities in the bilateral relations
between Russia and Estonia lies in the fact that
both have a different general view on history
(cf. Budryte 2005, in 2006, Wehner 2006) - Baltic States show for Putins Russia the
biggest tragedy of the 20th century (Putin
quotes in Wehner 2006), because the internal
erosion of the Soviet state strted with the
independence attempts of the Baltic states - quintessential point of the historical quarrel
refers to the fact that Putin does not recognise
the occupation of the Baltic states by Stalin as
a result of the confidential additional protocol
of the Molotow-Ribbentrop- pact. - Putins Russia looks at the annexation of the
Baltic States by the Soviet army as a voluntary
act to join the Soviet Union - Estonia emphasizes mass deportations, suppression
and terror during the Soviet occupation (cf.
Wehner 2006). - to accept the full independence of the Baltic
states (cf. Kolstø 1995) - Russia protests regularly against citizenship
regulations concerning its minority and against
the restrictive language policy, loss of
importance of Russian language and regulations
concerning electoral laws (cf. Dorodnova 2000) - highlighting the fact of ethnic discrimination
(cf. Hughes 2005) and continuing Russiaphobie"
(cf. Long 2003)
29- Russias diaspora policy
- some authors (Dittmer 2003, Kolstø 1995) find out
that the loyalty of ethnic Russians with the
members of the Estonian titular society is rather
low, because Estonia like Latvia did not grant
citizenship automatically after independence - On the other hand, Russia granted already in 1991
every ethnic Russian in the successor states of
the SU the possibility "automatically" to accept
the Russian citizenship (cf. Mironov/Mironov
2003) ? but since 2001 "automatic citizenship
was not furthermore granted - nevertheless, since 2003 Russia recognised that
demographic changes (natural ageing and sinking
birth rates) require to find new solutions for
ethnic Russians abroad (Russian Diaspora in the
successor states of the SU) (cf. NOVOSTI 2006c) - By specific recruitment of members of the
Diaspora in the former Soviet republics the
demographic problem beyond the metropolises
Moscow and St. Petersburg shall be solved (cf.
Pörzgen 2007) - as a result the conditions of entry and coming
home to Russia as well as citizenship-specific
regulations (restrictions) were eased for Russian
"compatriots (cf. NOVOSTI 2006d)
30- Russias diaspora policy
- Putin
- We know about the fact that the overwhelming
majority of Russians and other ethnic groups from
the Russian federation do not live abroad because
they it wish We will do everything to help
those who want to come back to their motherland
We must to deal with realities which
determine the life. Above all, it is about the
return of our compatriots in such territories of
today's Russia which urgently need manpower ()
The level of moving allowance depends on the need
of manpower in the regions. Where the need is
especially big, the move money will be more.
(Putin quotes in Pörzgen 2007) - In October 2006, the coordination gremium of the
Russian compatriots was founded at the world
congress of compatriots in St. Petersburg (cf.
NOVOSTI 2007a) - President Putin asked 600 delegates from nearly
80 countries for vigorous support of his
voluntary remigration programme (cf. RIAN 2007a) - Only in 2007, 4,6 milliard roubles from the
household of the federation were provided to
finance moving allowance and to support job
searches and school choice
31- Russias diaspora policy
- in RDP is strong emphasis on the identity concept
- Kortunow (199715) speaks about a selective
engagement, which gives returns to a
construction of an Ethnic-Russian, more precise
Rossianian identity, and uses for this symbolic
acts, e.g. the visit of a delegation of Duma
members after the quarrel about the dismantling
of the Soviet memorial in Tallinn in April, 2007 - this conflict about the demolition of the
soldier's monument makes in all sharpness clear
that Russia anytime is able to mobilize above all
younger ethnic Russians in the close foreign
countries (Savoskul 2001) - selectice engagment means a policy of
pinpricks To be 'selective' means to use
different rules in different situations, to
abstain from every universal approach, to
renounce general rules (Kortunov 1997) - proponents of selective engagement assume that
Russia does not have enough resources to rebuild
the Russian or previous Soviet empire or to build
up a security system on the territory of the
former Soviet Union, but - on the other hand, Russia can not afford a
isolationistic policy, that is why selective
engagement reffering to neighbouring states
means first of all to show several regional and
subregional arrangements with different degrees
of Russian participation (Kortunow 199715)
32- Russias diaspora policy
- not only by symbolic acts, also by financial
support Russia is supporting its diaspora - in 2007 approx. 10 million Euro were given abroad
to support the organisation of school holidays,
the care of veterans, supply of literature and
cultural activities (cf. RIAN 2006a, RIAN 2006b),
material and ideological support of the Russian
language and education of teachers (cf. Simonow
2004) - especially the financial engagement for the
Russian language should be a factor to attract
ethnic Russians in the near abroad to decide
for Russian citizenship and to (re)-migrate to
Russia - Many Russians in Estonia still think that they
are a part of this big Russian community and also
a part of this big culture as well as the big
Russian history, especially if they have Russian
citizenship. I also think that this a part of our
national problems here in Estonia. Of course, a
lot of Russians have problems to speak and or to
communicate in Estonian and use their mother
tongue in everyday life () It is also quite
difficult for older people to learn Estonian
language. Many of them already live in Estonia
their whole life and during the Soviet time they
did not need to learn the Estonian language,
because they always used Russian. I think that
the language is the basic reason, why they decide
for Russian citizenship. (Interview 27)
33reasons that ethnic Russians in Estonia decide to
stay stateless
- self-exclusion of ethnic Russians not to become
full members of Estonia - personal deprivation ? social isolation of
certain individuals or groups as a result of
dicontent, seclusion, shortages and services - negative experiences ? personal frustration
- difficult social situation
- desinterest in politics
- weak identification with Estonia
- disenchantment with politics
- critic about language test and citizenship
procedures - appropriation of state welfare support
34"Minorities in EuropeSession 9 People
with Migration Background in Germany
- Denis Gruber
- Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State
University - DAAD-Lecturer for Sociology
35German nationality law
- German citizenship is based primarily on the
principle of Jus sanguinis - one usually acquires German citizenship if a
parent is a German citizen, irrespective of place
of birth - significant reform to the nationality law was
passed by the Bundestag in 1999, and came into
force on 1 January 2000 - new law makes it somewhat easier for foreigners
resident in Germany on a long-term basis, and
especially their German-born children to acquire
German citizenship
36German nationality law
- Birth in Germany
- Children born on or after 1 January 2000 to
non-German parents acquire German citizenship at
birth if at least one parent - has a permanent residence permit (and has had
this status for at least 3 years) and - has been residing in Germany for at least 8
years - Such children will be required to apply
successfully to retain German citizenship by the
age of 23 - they do not hold any foreign citizenship
37German nationality law
- Descent from a German parent
- People born to a parent who was a German citizen
at the time of birth are usually German citizens
does not matter whether they were born in Germany
or not - those born after January 1, 1975 are Germans if
the mother or father is a German citizen - Those born before January 1, 1975 could normally
only claim German citizenship from the father and
not the mother - Exceptions included cases where the parents were
unmarried (in which case German mothers could
pass on citizenship) or where the German mother
applied for the child to be registered as German
on or before 31 December 1977 - those born outside Germany to a German parent who
was also born outside Germany after 1999 will
need to be registered as German citizens within
12 months of birth - Persons who are Germans on the basis of descent
from a German parent do not have to apply to
retain German citizenship by age 23
38German nationality law
- Naturalisation as a German citizen
- naturalisation by those with permanent residence
who have lived in Germany for 8 years - additional requirements include an adequate
command of the German language and an ability to
be self-supporting without recourse to welfare - Exceptions to the normal residence requirements
include - a spouse of a German citizen may be naturalised
after 3 years residence in Germany. The marriage
must have persisted for at least 2 years - persons who have completed an integration course
may have the residence requirement reduced to 7
years - refugees and stateless persons may be able to
apply after 6 years residence - former German citizens
39German nationality law
- Victims of Nazi persecution
- people who lost German citizenship under the Nazi
regime (mainly German Jews) may be eligible for
naturalisation without requiring residence in
Germany or renunciation of their existing
citizenship - Children and grandchildren of such persons may
also be eligible for German citizenship - German-born children
- children who were born in Germany in 1990 or
later, and would have been German, were entitled
to be naturalised as German citizens - child was required to apply for retention of
German citizenship by age 23 and normally show
that no other foreign citizenship was held at
that time
40German nationality law
- Loss of German citizenship
- A German child adopted by foreign parents, where
the child automatically acquires the nationality
of the adoptive parents under the law of the
adoptive parents' country - German citizen who voluntarily serves in a
foreign army (over and above compulsory military
service) from 1 January 2000 may lose German
citizenship unless permission is obtained from
the German government - Persons acquiring German citizenship on the basis
of birth in Germany (without a German parent)
lose German citizenship automatically at age 23
if they have not successfully applied to retain
German citizenship - when a German citizen voluntarily acquires the
citizenship of another country - two exceptions
- When the German citizen acquires a nationality
from within the European Union, Switzerland, or
another country with which Germany has a
corresponding treaty - When permission to obtain a foreign citizenship
has been applied for and granted in advance of
foreign naturalisation
41German nationality law
- Dual citizenship
- can only be held in limited circumstances
- where a child born to German parents acquires
another citizenship at birth (e.g. based on place
of birth, or descent from one parent) - where a German citizen acquires a foreign
nationality with the permission of the German
government - where a naturalized German citizen, or a child
born to non-German parents in Germany, obtains
permission to keep their foreign nationality
42- 4. Historical Development of Migration (contd)
- Typs of ethnic minorities
- ethnic Germans
- ethnic German immigrants from Balkan and former
SU - labour migrants
- 2006 60 of foreigners are labour migrants
- 1980 75
- Refugees
- 490.000 recognized refugees
- 200.000 open applications for asylum
- Illegale Immigrants
- without permits
- 150,000 1,000,000
43- 4 stages of German Migration History after WW II
- Stage of Recruiting (1955-73)
- Agreements with Mediteranian Countries
- foreign labour force instead of integration of
women in labour market - (as in GDR)
- stop of immigration from GDR
- Rotationsprinzip
- Stage of consolidation (1973-80)
- recruitment stop 1973 until 2000
- Familiennachzug
- first steps of integration Department for
Integration - In 1980s Asylum seeking
- defensive measures (1981-98)
- limitation of asylum seekers
- silent metamorphose of guest workers to
immigrants - stage of acceptance (1998-)
- 1.1.2000 liberal, open citizenship law
- Greencard for IT-Specialists
- Federal Department for Foreigners, Migrants and
Refugees
44a) Anwerbeverträge (Vgl. Treibel, 1999 56)
1955 Italien
1960 Spanien, Griechenland
1961 Türkei
1963 Marokko
1965 Tunesien
1968 Jugoslawien
Reports
45Recruitment of Guest Workers
- starts in the 1950s til the mid 1970s
- In 1955 first recruitment contract
Anwerbevertrag with Italy - entrepreneurial, wage-political and job
market-political considerations were decisive,
although unemployment in 1955 was with 1.1
million or 7 relatively high (cf. Treibel,
199955) - Besides, the employment of foreigners should only
be a temporarily appearance ? political ideology
of Guest worker" employment - By the recruiting principle of rotation "young",
"fresh" foreign workers should be available for
the West-German economy - The recruiting nation-states, enterprises and
recruited workers assumed themselves that they
remain certain time in the recruiting country to
save money for independent existence or long-term
acquisitions and sooner or later to return to
their country of origin (ibid55)
46Recruitment of Guest Workers
- There was a need for unqualified manpower for
dirty and or badly paid work - recruited workers were employed in those branches
of the secondary sector which became more and
more unattractive for local employees and female
employees, thus, e.g., in the mining, in
constructions, metal industry, textile industry - furthermore, a need for the tertiary sector
health service and gastronomy - "foreign workers" were accommodated often in mass
accommodations, camps and hostels - Guest workers are therefore functional for the
structural change of the German labour system,
because they allowed the rise of the local
manpower. (Treibel, 199956)
47Recruitment of Guest Workers
- in 1966/67 rise of unemployment rate in Western
Germany - in 1973 stop of labour force recruitment and
rotation principle - A new phase of the West German foreigners policy
consolidation - Until the end of the 1970s numerous restriction
and adaptation measures took place (1974
reference regulation, 1975 Child benefit
regulation immigration stop) - aim which was pursued was not furthermore to
replace old" foreign manpower by new ones and
final remigration of labourforce in their
homelands - number of the foreign employees decreased 2.6
million in 1973 (year of the highest level) to
1.6 million in 1984
48Recruitment of Guest Workers
- In the 1970s also the process of migration of
foreign employees families has started (family
reunification) - Longer duration of stay, better living
conditions and unrestricted possibilities of
entry and leaving of the border, and this is
especially important, the return possibility, led
to the fact that foreign workers began to reunite
their families. (Korte/Schmidt, 198317) - Anwerbestopp of 1973 had caused the opposite
- When the foreigners had understood that from now
on a return was correctable definitively, not
more like during former years by a renewed
recruitment, a part of them began to organize the
reunification of the family. Especially strongly
this was observed for Turks. While in Greece,
Spain and Portugal consolidated their economies,
the economic and social situation in Turkey
became from year to year worse. (ibid. 19) - Turks expected, stricter regulations for family
reunification could follow, and, therefore,
brought in their families to Germany
49Migration from Turkey 1961-73
- German Turkish arrangement about the recruitment
of manpower started on 30.10. 1961 - the Turkish military government intended by a
limited emigration to relieve the labour market,
to bring in urgently required foreign currency.
and to promote the economic modernisation of
Turkey by know-how of the certified repatriates - from 1961 to 1973 German enterprises employed
about 710,000 manpower from Turkey - rotation principle which limited the work permit
to two years was also in interest for the Turkish
government to control the migration flows and to
use certified manpower in the country after
remigration - under the pressure of the German economy the
rotation principle was dropped already in 1962
formally and was stopped in 1964
50Migration from Turkey 1973-93
- The second military putsch in 1980 in Turkey was
a new turning point after 1973 - from now on migrants from Turkey came as regime
opponents to Germany - in the 1980s the number of those immigrants was
125,000 people - another reason for the migration to Germany was
the economic situation (e.g. rate of unemployment
18 percent) - Besides, a return to the native country was
irreversible for Turkish migrants because of
the non-membership in the EC there was no
freedom of movement. Therefore, the time for
returning to Turkey was shifted. Because also the
medical care as well as the school education and
professional training in Germany were better the
stay duration rose on and on. (ibid. see 11)
51Movements into and out of Germany by Germans and
foreign nationalsfrom 1991 to 2006
Sources Federal Statistical Office, together
with our own calculations
52"Minorities in EuropeSession 10 Ethnic
Minorities in South-Eastern and South-Western
Europe
- Denis Gruber
- Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State
University - DAAD-Lecturer for Sociology
53Migration in the EU
- present immigration situation among EU member
states is highly heterogeneous - European Statistical Office (Eurostat) data for
2007 indicate the continuation of highly
differing forms of immigration - clear shift in the relationship between old and
new immigration countries - Thus countries on the southern border of the EU
(Spain and Italy) are experiencing the highest
level of immigration - even the Czech Republic, a new member, has
already overtaken the traditional receiving
countries of central and northern Europe - only the Baltic States, Bulgaria and Poland show
negative immigration balances, although even the
Netherlands recorded more emigration than
immigration in 2007
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55Migration in the EU
- percentage of foreign population in the EU member
states extends from less than 1 of the total
population (Slovakia) through to 39 (Luxemburg) - In most countries, however, the foreign
percentage is between 2 and 8 of the total
population - in all EU member states excluding Luxemburg,
Belgium, Ireland and Cyprus, the majority of the
foreign population is made up of so-called third
country nationals, i.e. non-EU citizens
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57Migration in the EU
- strong differences with regard to the legal
categories on which the immigration flows are
based - labour migration dominates in countries with less
regulated labour markets (e.g. the United
Kingdom, Ireland, the Czech Republic and Denmark) - in most other states family reunification
represents the strongest immigration category
(especially apparent in France and Sweden) - Italy and Germany adopt a middle position, i.e.
similar percentages are attributable to labour
migration and family reunification, although in
Germany other migration also makes up a large
percentage ? Spätaussiedler (ethnic German
immigrants from the countries of the former
Soviet Union) - in Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands, Turkish
citizens make up the biggest group of foreigners - by contrast, citizens of former colonies are
numerous in Portugal (Cape Verde, Brazil and
Angola) and in Spain (Ecuador and Morocco).
58Migration in the EU
- majority of foreigners in Greece are from Albania
- majority in Slovenia from other parts of the
former Yugoslavia - citizens from the former Soviet Union are most
significant among the foreign populations of
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania - in most of the member states immigration is
dominated by the low skilled - only the United Kingdom records almost equal
percentages of highly and low-skilled migrants - in Italy, Austria and Germany, by contrast,
immigration is dominated now as ever by the lower
skilled
59Spain
- Languages Spanish (Castilian), Catalan
(regional), Basque (regional), Galician
(regional) - Population (2008) 46,063,511 (INE, Padrón
municipal1) - Foreign population (2008) 5,220,577 Persons
(11.3 ) (INE, Padrón municipal) - Percentage of foreign employees amongst gainfully
employed 14.4 (1/2008) - Unemployment rate 9.6 (1/2008), 8.6 (4/2007),
8.3 (4/2006) (INE, Encuesta de Población Activa) - Unemployment rate of foreign population 14.6
(1/2008), 12.4 (4/2007), 12.0 (4/2006) (INE,
Encuesta de Población Activa) - Religions 35 mln. Catholics (77 ), approx. 1.2
mln. Protestants and free churches (2.7 ),
approx. 1.1 mln. Muslims (2.4 ), approx. 48 000
Jews (0.1 ) (estimations, International
Religious Freedom Report 2007)
60Spain
- From emigration country to immigration country
- history of Spanish migration over the last five
hundred years has mostly been a tale of
emigration - Traditionally, waves of emigrants have headed to
Latin America, with flows peaking at the
beginning of the 20th century - from 1905-1913, 1.5 million Spaniards left the
country for Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and
Venezuela - following interruptions stemming from the World
Wars and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) - between 1946 and 1958, about 624,000 people left
the country for overseas - approximately 300,000 people joined this final
wave of emigration to Latin America between 1958
and 1975
61Spain
- Northern and Western European countries began to
recruit foreign workers - Spain became a source country of the guest
workers needed by France, Germany and, later,
Switzerland - economic and energy crises of 1973/74 led to the
end of foreign labour recruitment by those
countries, resulting in a drastic reduction in
emigration from Spain - from 1960 to 1975, approximately two million
Spaniards migrated to other European countries - from the mid-1970s to 1990, approximately 15,000
people per year went to other European countries
through Spains controlled emigration programme - majority of these migrants went to Switzerland
and, to a lesser extent, France for a period of
less than a year - number of people sent abroad through the
controlled emigration programme declined
drastically following Spains entry into the EU
(1986)
62Spain
- Spains foreign population has been increasing
slowly since the middle of the 1980s - In the beginning, Northern and Western Europeans,
in search of a (retirement) residence in a warmer
climate, accounted for a considerable proportion
of incoming migrants - overall migration trends have changed, with
increased levels of south-north migration from
the Third World and, after the fall of the Iron
Curtain, east-west migration from Central and
Eastern Europe - these new trends, combined with a period of
prolonged economic growth in Spain, have led to a
rise in the number of migrant workers entering
Spain
63Spain
- In 1975, there were approximately 200,000
foreigners living in Spain - number increased fivefold in the following 25
years to reach 1 million by the end of the
century - in 2007, around 3.98 million foreigners were in
possession of a residence permit - foreigners represented 11.3 of the total
population of 46.1 million at the beginning of
2008 - high level of immigration has been responsible
for Spains considerable population growth - countrys population grew by 2.1 from 2004 to
2005, 1.4 from 2005 to 2006, 1.1 from 2006 to
2007 and 1.9 from 2007 to 2008
64Minorities and politicalparticipation in
South-East Europe
- participation of minorities in public life is
essential - to ensure that their particular concerns are
taken into account - to enable them to influence the general direction
of development of society - participation in social and economic life enables
them to take care of their needs through their
own active contribution - investigation in South East European (SEE)
countries shows - a wide range of mechanisms in connection with
minority participation and representation,
adjusted to the relevant situations in practice - mechanisms vary from federalism, through
territorial autonomy, proportional electoral
systems and guaranteed minority seats in
parliament and on advisory boards to various
committees and commissions
65Minorities and politicalparticipation in
South-East Europe
- suggestions
- if minorities are effectively represented in
public affairs, discriminatory standards and
practices can be more readily eliminated - effective participation of minorities in various
areas of public life is essential for the
development of a truly democratic, cohesive,
inclusive and just society - effective participation of minorities in
decision-making processes, is a fundamental
precondition for the full and equal enjoyment of
the human rights of persons belonging to
minorities
66Minorities and politicalparticipation in
South-East Europe
- what is the state in SEE-countries?
- both differences and common ground with regard to
political parties representing minorities - every country has political parties representing
minorities and for them, ethnopolitical
mobilization is the main agent of organization - such parties provide for the political
participation of minority groups, but tend to be
mono-ethnic, attracting support only from the one
ethnic group they represent - such parties are a stronger factor in local
politics than in national politics, due to their
voter base - influence exerted by parties representing
minorities on the policy process is dependent on
the importance of the party in the country which
vary across SEE
67Minorities and politicalparticipation in
South-East Europe
- Romania
- Ethnic minorities comprise more than 10 of
Romanias total population - Minorities in Romania can be divided into three
categories, mainly taking the size of the
minority group into consideration - Hungarians, the most numerous and politically
well organized - Roma, the second most numerous with several
political organizations to represent them - 18 other minority groups with at least one
political organization per group - Romanian Constitution guarantees one seat in the
lower house of Parliament for each minority group
whose candidates cannot gather enough votes to
enter the Parliament in accordance with the
electoral system (Article 59) - Through this clause, in the 2004-2008 Parliament
18 minority groups had representatives in
Parliament - With exception of the Democratic Alliance of the
Hungarians in Romania (DAHR), which was able to
gain enough votes to win seats in Parliament, the
other organizations representing minorities have
benefited from this provision
68"Minorities in EuropeSession 11 and 12
The Informal Sector, Minorities and Ethnic
Minority EntrepreneurshipTheoretical Approaches,
Empirical Findings in Russia and Europe
- Denis Gruber
- Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State
University - DAAD-Lecturer for Sociology
69Informal Sector definition
- term "informal sector" has been used to describe
a wide spectrum of activities, which do not
necessarily have much in common - tax evasion, corruption, money laundering,
organised crime, bribery, subsistence farming,
barter etc. - concept was introduced by the ILO (International
Labor Office) in a study on Kenya in 1972 - often the term is used to refer to economic
activities that take place outside a given
recognized and legal institutional framework - activities in the IS generate an income that is
both not taxed and not controlled by the legal
institutions which regulate the legal sphere - following Bernabè (2002) it refers to small
either unregistered and unregulated activities,
or activities concealed in order to avoid tax
payment, or even activities producing goods and
services forbidden by the law
70Describing the Informal Sector
- Differences to the Formal Sector
- smaller scale of enterprises and production units
(varying from individuals, single households to
enterprises with a few employees) - lower complexity of the production process
- use of high technology and expensive energy to a
much lesser extent - less division of labour
- lower capital-intensity
- wages that are not based on the working time but
on quantities (number of produced pieces) - high fluctuation of employees
- production that is located in the housing/ living
space or on the streets - high degree of Insecurity
71Describing the Informal Sector
- ILO World Employment Programme Report puts the
following characteristics - ease to entry
- reliance on indigenious ressources
- family ownership of enterprises
- small scale of operation
- skills aquired outside the formal school system
and unregulated and competetive markets. - but following Kumar and Jena the above mentioned
characteristics lack validity, because one has to
focus on rural and urban as well as regional and
international differences
72Linkages between the Formal and Informal Sector
- earlier studies show a clear distinction between
the informal and the formal sector - recent studies emphasize that both sectors cannot
be dealt with as two separate and independent
spheres - Indeed there exists a number of linkages and
interdependencies - Following Singh (1996) one can find upward
vertical linkages and downward vertical
linkages - Downward vertical linkages, e.g. sale of goods
and services from the formal to the informal
sector - upward vertical linkages, e.g. sale of goods
and services from the informal to the formal
sector
73Linkages between the Formal and Informal Sector
- example subcontracting requires cheap and
flexible employees, i.e. workers who are not
bound to stable working contracts and social
insurances, it leads to price cuts of the
informal produced goods and the low status of the
respective employees (Singh 199650) - the fact that many informal enterprises
nevertheless work on a sub-contract-basis for the
formal economy indicates that the informal sector
is to a large extent dependent on external
orders
74The Informal Sector in Russia
- worsening of formal employment conditions,
reduction in real wages and quasi absence of
social security - during the first decade of transformation a lot
of households with working age member fall into
poverty - "new phenomenon of "working poor" has become
wide-spread - facing negative economic conditions, Russian
population has to change its behaviour on the
labour market selfemployment, moonlighting and
informal activities have become a reality for
many individuals (Kim, 2002) - since 1998 the number of persons working in the
IS increased
c.f. Beuran/Kalugina 2006 Social exclusion and
the informal sector the case of Russia
75The structure of informal employment in Russia
- among all types of informal employment the major
input over 50 comes from the employees of
informal sector - self-employed, multiple job holders and
incompliant formal sector employees account
respectively for 21, 13, and 15
76The structure of informal employment in Russia
- age structure of informal employment by gender
shows that the highest informal employment rates
are observed among younger age groups - c.f. Merkuryeva, Irina (2006) Informal
Employment in Russia Combining Disadvantages and
Opportunities, Discussion Paper, CENTRE FOR
ECONOMIC REFORM AND TRANSFORMATION, School of
Management and Languages, Heriot-Watt University,
Edinburgh, p.7
77The structure of informal employment in Russia
- Informal employment on average provides lower
wage rates as well as lower monthly wage amounts
c.f. Merkuryeva, Irina (2006) Informal
Employment in Russia Combining Disadvantages and
Opportunities, Discussion Paper, CENTRE FOR
ECONOMIC REFORM AND TRANSFORMATION, School of
Management and Languages, Heriot-Watt University,
Edinburgh, p.8
78The structure of informal employment in Russia
- the prevalence of formal employment 90 is
observed in the organizations owned by different
levels of government - 50 of the employees of private sector are
employed on informal basis - 10 of municipal and 8 of federal and regional
employees work informally
c.f. Merkuryeva, Irina (2006) Informal
Employment in Russia Combining Disadvantages and
Opportunities, Discussion Paper, CENTRE FOR
ECONOMIC REFORM AND TRANSFORMATION, School of
Management and Languages, Heriot-Watt University,
Edinburgh, p.9
79Infomal Sector does not automatically mean
Informal Practices!!!
80 Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship
- Denis Gruber
- Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State
University - DAAD-Lecturer for Sociology
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87Who is an entrepreneur?
- Gartner (1989) ()the entrepreneur is the one
who creates an organization. - organizations are created all the time by people
who are not entrepreneurs (e.g., political
parties, associations, and social groups) - Gartner criticizes Carland et. al.s (1984, 358)
definition of entrepreneur An entrepreneur is
an individual who establishes and manages a
business for the principal purposes of profit and
growth - Hebért Link (1989, 47) conclude that ()
entrepreneur is a person, not a team, committee
or organization - Pickle Abrahamson (1990, 5,9) introduce a
compact definition of an entrepreneur An
entrepreneur is one who organizes and manages a
business undertaking, assuming the risk, for the
sake of profit. The entrepreneur evaluates
perceived opportunities and strives to make the
decisions that will enable the firm to realize
sustained growth. - ? this definition does not include any process
characteristics thought to be important at least
in high growth ventures
88Definitions of Entrepreneurship
- four main concepts concepts
- entrepreneur is an individual actor in the market
- focusing on the entrepreneurial spirit to analyze
the behavior in the market - entrepreneurship is put into the centre and
attempts to combine the actor (entrepreneur) and
the behavior in the market - emphasizing the entrepreneurial process and
combining time dimension and behavior in the
market - 1Nevertheless, no commonly accepted definitions
of the entrepreneur, entrepreneurial (behavior)
or entrepreneurship exist - one of the best definitions of entrepreneurship
is found in Ronstadt (1984, 28) - Entrepreneurship is the dynamic process of
creating incremental wealth. The wealth is
created by individuals who assume the major risks
in terms of equity, time and/or career commitment
or provide value for some product or service. The
product or service may or may not be new or
unique but value must somehow be infused by the
entrepreneur by receiving and allocating the
necessary skills and resources.
89Ethnic entrepreneurship studies
- split into two types of discussion (Greene et
al., 2003) - apart of an underserved minority population that
needs business assistance to guide venture small
businesses and development - models of entrepreneurial approaches by certain
ethnic groups are not lauded but adopted for
trial by other types of communities, whether
those communities be natural or artificially
created - The concern over the definition of ethnic
entrepreneurship has been increasing over the
past few years - Minority entrepreneurs are business owners who do
not belong to the majority population - A minority may not (necessarily) be an immigrant
and may not share a strong sense of group
solidarity with an ethnic group, in terms of a
shared history, religion, or language (Basu, 2002
90Georg Simmel as starting point?
- Simmels conception of the stranger has opened
minority discussions - Simmel was using the term stranger to describe
a person arriving in a new geographical location
and becoming classified as a minority by dint of
race, religion, or ethnicity - According to Butler and Greene (1997), these
early scholars developed ideas based on - the stranger as trader
- the social structure of society
- the value systems produced
- religious tenets
- These explained fundamental issues led to the
emergence of a theoretical framework for ethnic
entrepreneurship
91Approaches to Ethnic Entrepreneurship
- Enclave Theory
- Middleman Theory
- Theories of Immigration
- Ethnic-controlled economy
92Enclave Theory
- is concerned with immigrants, entrepreneurship
and labor market issues (Nee Nee, 1986) - adherents maintain that ethnic enclaves, as well
as being economically and culturally linked, have
historically been geographically based (cf.
Menzies, 2003) - an ethnic economy that is clustered around a
territorial core - Cultural identity is key
- Businesses and customers proactively and
significantly recapture spending along ethnic
lines and at all levels - Examples Coreatown, Chinatown, Bombaytown
93Middleman Theories
- cf. Bonacich, 1973 Bonacich Modell, 1980
Waldinger et al., 1990 - middlemen are between elites and the broad mass
on societal level - considered as mediators between producers and
consumers on economic level - they do business and are less committed
themselves to the sphere of production - Middlemen theories deal with emerge and
formation of these minorities - formations are a reaction to the animosity of the
native population ? hence, group pride and mutual
help are developing which prevent that group
members will be economically isolated - other views middlemen minorities claimed as a
kind of lock-up persons between elites and the
broad mass ? for economic survival the group
members turn to self-employment and business
creation activities that generally have low
barriers to entry and a high degree of liquidity
(Greene et al., 2003) - in Middleman Theories the focus is on trading
peoples residing in diasporas - define ethnic entrepreneurship as a set of
connections and regular patterns of interaction
among people sharing common national background
or migration experiences (Waldinger et al., 1990)
94Theories of Immigration
- focus on the elements and models of the business
creation process for immigrant entrepreneurs
(Menzies, 2003 - term diaspora is often used
- Diaspora does not only refer to its Greek origin
referring to migration and colonization but
also to the voluntary residence without any
colonialist motives within a country if there is
a strong cohesion by collective identities - Robin Cohen calls different features for
diasporas - scattering from a home country to at least two
other regions - scattering occurs often involuntary and
traumatically but, however, can also occur
voluntary - members of diaspora share collective memory and
myth about their home country and idealize this
and his history - it results in a return movement
- strong self-group consciousness is developing
- relationships to native population are
pr