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Economics of Transition

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Title: Economics of Transition


1
Economics of Transition
  • Module C20EE1
  • Semester 1 (Autumn 2009), Weeks 4, 10 Lectures
    by Professor Paul Hare, Mary Burton Building,
    Room 1.04
  • E-mail p.g.hare_at_hw.ac.uk
  • Website www.sml.hw.ac.uk/ecopgh

2
Week 4. Start of Transition
3
The 1980s system in crisis
  • Growing symptoms of crisis in the socialist
    system during the 1980s
  • Slowing growth rates, with a few countries (e.g.
    Poland) barely growing at all
  • As a result, living standards stagnated
  • Sluggish foreign trade, with these countries
    accounting for a declining share of world trade
  • Growing (hard currency) indebtedness in some
    countries, in part due to poor responses to the
    1970s oil price increases
  • Inflationary pressures and other signs of
    macroeconomic imbalance (such as trade deficits,
    government deficits, etc.) intensifying.

4
Crisis (2)
  • The result was some signs of political tension in
    the region, but probably less than one might have
    expected.
  • No real sign that the communist system was about
    to collapse from within, though in economic
    terms, it was clearly a failing system.
  • Poland was the most unsettled politically, with
    martial law in force under General Jaruzelski and
    increasing pressure from the Solidarity trade
    union movement also a rapidly worsening economic
    crisis.
  • So in late 1988, the principle of multi-party
    democracy was conceded, with elections planned
    for mid-1989 some seats were guaranteed to the
    communists but they still lost badly, and
    Solidarity supporters were invited to form a
    government.
  • Note key role of Soviet President Gorbachev his
    declaration that the socialist countries had to
    choose their own path. But who could believe him
    then?

5
Crisis (3)
  • Soon after Poland, Hungary agreed to hold
    multi-party elections, under the leadership of
    Miklos Németh (to whom Heriot-Watt eventually
    awarded an honorary degree)
  • Then there were big demonstrations across East
    Germany and demands for liberalisation there
    eventually, the Berlin Wall fell, and the Iron
    Curtain was removed
  • Demonstrations in CSFR led to the velvet
    revolution there.
  • By end of 1989, most of Central Europe had moved
    away from communist rule, towards democracy and
    the project of building a market-type economy
    (with a view, ultimately, of joining the EU)
  • Two years later, end-1991, the Soviet Union
    disintegrated.

6
The end of central planning and the start of the
transition to the market
  • Central and Eastern Europe late 1989
  • Former Soviet Union end-1991
  • Reform stages (not always in this order)
  • Political consolidation or reconfiguration
  • Dismantle old economic system
  • Build a new market-type economic system
  • Macroeconomic stabilisation
  • Liberalisation of prices and foreign trade
  • Privatisation and restructuring
  • Institutional transformation

7
Political consolidation/reconfiguration
  • Economists usually assume that countries stay the
    same we tend to assume a degree of political
    stability.
  • So at start of transition, we tended to assume
    that country boundaries would be stable, and that
    these would be accepted by all.
  • Of course, the Soviet Union did split into 15 new
    states, but these were already Republics within
    the Union, so it was expected.
  • But the post-communist world was more unstable
    than expected.

8
Political consolidation/reconfiguration (2)
  • Thus in 1991, Yugoslavia started to disintegrate,
    and by now, after several nasty wars (both
    inter-state and civil/inter-ethnic), we are left
    with Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
    Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, and Kosovo (whose
    final status is still not determined).
  • On January 1st 1993, CSFR split peacefully into
    two states Czech Republic, Slovakia.
  • Early 1990s, civil war in Moldova, secession of
    Russian part of the country to form Transnistria
    (still not recognised by anyone!).

9
Political consolidation/reconfiguration (3)
  • Wars between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the
    status of various regions.
  • Civil wars in Tajikistan, Georgia
  • Disputes between Russia and Ukraine over status
    of Crimea, and access to Black Sea ports for
    Russian navy.
  • Proposals from Belarus for an economic and
    political merger with Russia this is still
    official Belarus policy, but I dont think Russia
    is very interested.
  • By now 18-20 years after the start of
    transition the political landscape finally
    looks more settled. But for many countries,
    warfare has delayed economic reforms, and that is
    evident in the economic data.

10
Political consolidation/reconfiguration (4)
  • Even though more stable, it certainly cannot be
    said that all the new states are consolidated as
    democracies, though most are inclined towards
    democracy.
  • But some states are not yet democratic at all,
    e.g. Belarus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan.
  • Others have yet to develop full respect for rule
    of law, or to accept constraints on executive
    power (e.g. Russia).
  • More recently, even some apparently settled
    democracies in Central Europe have elected
    strange governments or are experiencing
    political crises (e.g. Hungary, Slovakia, Poland,
    etc.) one could interpret this as normal
    growing pains of democratic systems.

11
Dismantle old economic system
  • This is the easiest part of transition, since
    closing something down is normally easier and
    quicker than building something new.
  • Central planning ended so planning offices
    closed.
  • Centralised price fixing ended so price offices
    closed or changed their role (some became new
    offices for competition policy).
  • Liberalise exports and imports so offices that
    administered most of the former restrictions were
    closed.

12
Macroeconomic stabilisation
  • Especially important in countries where macro
    imbalances at start of transition were severe.
  • This means severe shortages, sometimes a big
    government deficit (esp. as socialist era taxes
    on profits disappeared), inherited external debt,
    and trade deficit.
  • Hungary few shortages, little inflationary
    pressure at start, so only a modest initial burst
    of inflation, not much active stabilisation
    needed.
  • Poland, widespread shortages, large monetary
    overhang, massive inflation in late 1989 (several
    hundred percent), so drastic steps needed in
    January 1990 to stabilise the economy (part of
    the Balcerowicz plan).

13
Macroeconomic stabilisation (2)
  • CIS countries severe inflationary pressure,
    problem of establishing new currencies, but need
    for active stabilisation underestimated or failed
    to get political support.
  • Massive inflation in 1993, everywhere over 1000,
    in Ukraine around 10,000. Most individual
    savings wiped out.
  • Hence effective stabilisation delayed until
    mid-1990s.
  • In 1993/4, Serbia experienced the worst inflation
    ever seen anywhere, essentially due to financing
    wars by printing money (not good economics!).
    The new currency was tied to the DM, now the
    Euro, and its introduction followed inflation
    over a billion billion percent!
  • In all cases, stabilisation means getting the
    government budget and the external balance under
    control, operating a sound monetary policy (often
    with a new currency).

14
Liberalisation of prices and foreign trade
  • In part this aspect of transition was already
    covered under an earlier heading
  • But in practice there was the question of how
    rapidly, how fully the various controls over
    prices and trade should be removed.
  • Prices
  • Some countries liberalised prices in a single
    step
  • But most proceeded more gradually, keeping some
    control over sensitive prices such as public
    utilities, housing, public transport, culture,
    etc.
  • This then resulted in some big price distortions,
    e.g. energy prices, for a while, seemed even
    cheaper than before.
  • Some prices failed to cover costs, and required
    massive state subsidies.
  • But shortages disappeared almost everywhere, very
    rapidly.

15
Liberalisation of prices (2)
  • Shortage and Prices
  • Lipton and Sachs (1990) present a model to show
    that the initial post-transition price rises can
    improve welfare.
  • Queueing costs in the old system are a deadweight
    loss, and they disappear once transition under
    way.
  • While price rises relative to incomes normally
    lower welfare, this might not be so if people
    also save queueing time depends on the balance
    of costs and benefits, which then becomes an
    empirical question.
  • In countries with little queueing (e.g. Hungary),
    the initial jump in prices was also less, but
    almost certainly made people worse off.
  • In countries with a lot of queuing (e.g. Poland
    and Russia), the initial price jump was much
    greater. True, queueing did end, but most
    peoples cash balances (savings) were devalued,
    and this represented a big loss.

16
Liberalisation of trade
  • A few countries, notably Estonia, Poland, both
    ended all physical controls on trade, and
    abolished all (Estonia) or most (Poland) tariffs
    very bold!
  • Most countries removed trade barriers more
    gradually, e.g. Hungary over three years (but had
    started in 1987).
  • Limited controls remained, and tariff structures
    in early 1990s were very diverse, with some high
    peaks in rates.
  • Why retain tariffs at all?
  • Revenue raising
  • Protection of domestic firms
  • Bargaining counter with EU.
  • No country liberalised its capital account until
    much later.

17
Privatisation and restructuring
  • Most firms were state owned in 1989/91
  • General notion of market economy is that most
    productive activity should be in private sector
  • Hence main element of transition had to be
    privatisation of all or most state-owned firms.
  • But as Kornai stressed, privatisation not the
    only way to build a private sector (he criticised
    those who demanded more or less instant
    privatisation).
  • Also need to create the conditions for massive
    amounts of new business formation to put right
    the bizarre size structure of firms under
    socialism. This was neglected in some countries,
    and many still have far too few firms.

18
Privatisation and restructuring (2)
  • Privatisation
  • Objectives of privatisation (incl. separation
    from state)
  • Speed of privatisation
  • Methods (incl. sales vs. give-aways)
  • Should there be restitution to former owners?
  • Who should the new owners be? (former
    Nomenklatura, crooks, foreigners)
  • Role of banks and financial markets in
    privatisation
  • Should some sectors/firms be retained in state
    hands, and if so, how should these be managed?
    (e.g. Asset management companies, etc.)
  • Should the state retain shares in some firms?
    Golden shares?
  • Public utilities and regulatory issues.

19
Privatisation and restructuring (3)
  • Restructuring
  • Many socialist firms were not in good shape to
    compete in the market
  • Often over-diversified (made lots of their inputs
    instead of relying on supply system)
  • Often produced a product mix not well suited to
    the new conditions
  • Often had surprisingly poor information about
    costs and controlled them badly
  • Many firms employed too many workers, used them
    inefficiently.
  • Hence many of these firms needed to
    restructure/reorganise in order to compete and
    survive in the market.

20
Privatisation and restructuring (4)
  • Restructuring (2)
  • Should firms restructure before or after
    privatisation? (can the government be trusted to
    do what it failed to do before?)
  • How to restructure?
  • Selling off units producing products outside main
    range (cf. some examples from UK privatisation)
  • Cutting costs
  • Focussing production on profitable lines
  • Investing to develop new products
  • Should subsidies/tax relief be available to help
    restructuring?
  • Key issue of hardening the budget constraint.

21
Institutional transformation
  • Most difficult part of the transition, initially
    neglected
  • Sometimes boring and technical, hence hard to
    mobilise political support, convince people it is
    important (e.g. accounting reform simplifying
    the tariff structure strengthening property
    rights)
  • Example think of the institutions needed to
    make the standard S D model work.
  • New laws property rights, contracts
  • New organisations financial sector also
    various new types of regulatory body.

22
Week 10. Institutions and Transition
23
Introduction
  • The standard transition policy package includes
    such elements as
  • macroeconomic stabilisation
  • price and trade liberalisation
  • privatisation and restructuring
  • institutional reforms
  • In the early years of transition, most emphasis
    was placed on the first three elements.
    Institutional change was not wholly forgotten, of
    course, but its importance was perhaps not fully
    understood, it was often not regarded as
    politically very appealing (e.g. how do you make
    reforming business accounting systems seem at all
    exciting?? ), and reforms were often not
    perceived as especially urgent.

24
Introduction (2)
  • External advisors to transition economies -
    usually mentioned the need for institutional
    reforms, but it also tended to be downplayed
    initially.
  • Interesting to note that in most Western-type
    economics courses we still teach rather little on
    the institutional underpinnings of the market
    economy.
  • Example - standard S D analysis
  • Think about property rights, contracts, etc.
    linked to the standard model

25
Institutions - definitions, etc.
  • In transition economies, problems of nature of
    the state, state boundaries (constraints on state
    action), objectives of the state, state
    competence.
  • Economic institutions are social arrangements
    possessing a number of special features
  • (a) they regulate economic behaviour in ways
    which, in the short run, often conflict with
    individual preferences
  • (b) they are based on shared expectations,
    derived from custom, trust, legal provisions,
    etc.
  • (c) they make most sense if the economy is
    thought of as a repeated game in which most
    types of transaction occur many times and
  • (d) anonymity, in the sense that the functioning
    of a given institution should not be dependent
    upon the identity of the economic agents seeking
    to conduct the types of transaction to which this
    institution relates.

26
Institutions definitions (2)
  • The last is the most problematic feature, and in
    many small-scale and informal business
    activities, such as trading networks, it will not
    be satisfied.
  • Given such characteristics, many institutions are
    likely to have the character of public goods.
    Among other things, this implies that the supply
    of institutions generated by the market
    mechanism left to itself is unlikely to
    correspond to the socially efficient level.
    Under these conditions, there is evidently a role
    for the state both in creating institutions which
    the market does not provide and regulating in the
    public interest those which it does.

27
Typical institutions
  • Private property rights and contracts
  • Banks and other financial markets existence,
    functioning and regulation
  • Reliable access to credit on reasonable terms
  • Bankruptcy/liquidation policy in place to
    facilitate orderly exit
  • Labour market institutions social policy and the
    social safety net

28
Typical institutions (2)
  • Clear fiscal environment for firms, perceived as
    fair, predictable and enforced
  • This means, for instance, that in a multi-level
    country such as Russia it should not be possible
    for the regions to set taxes that conflict with
    national policies, and taxes should not be
    changed frequently
  • Institutions dealing with competition policy,
    industrial policy and trade policy.
  • Trust between economic agents, trust and honesty
    in public institutions (lack of corruption,
    reliable law enforcement, incl. as regards
    business taxation).

29
How do institutions evolve?
  • Often assumed, as central planning ended, that
    market institutions would just emerge, without
    needing any concrete action. This partly
    explains why the issue got little attention.
  • But property rights, business forms, banking
    practices, etc., in market economies evolved
    slowly over centuries.
  • Does this mean we have to wait that long in the
    transition economies for good institutions to
    evolve?
  • Or are there steps we can take to help create the
    needed new institutions, to accelerate the
    process?

30
Evolution (2)
  • First, its crucial for policymakers to
    understand the need for reforms (cf. Russia,
    institutions to settle business disputes).
  • Next, they need to design the reform, decide what
    to do and in what sequence of steps.
  • Tempting to copy other countries can learn from
    their experience. But must also learn from their
    mistakes.
  • Also reforms in different fields need to fit,
    can be risky to picknmix.

31
Evolution (3) Transition examples
  • Housing markets
  • Property registers
  • Mortgage finance
  • Regulating public utilities
  • Ministry vs. independent regulator
  • Business environment
  • Making it quick, easy and cheap to set up new
    firms
  • Bankruptcy laws, facilitating exit

32
EBRD transition indicators
  • Bank set up in 1990/91 to act as a regional IFI
    with a remit to promote transition to the market
    economy in its countries of operations.
  • Provides a little technical assistance, but
    mostly operates by providing loans for investment
    projects, now funding new activity at the rate of
    Euros 3-4 billion annually.
  • The Banks board of governors soon wanted the
    Banks reporting to include information on the
    transition impact of its activities, and the Bank
    now provides this at project-level (in
    post-project evaluation reports), and for
    sectors. In addition, the Bank assesses each
    year, as part of the Transition Report, the
    situation of each country of operation in regard
    to transition progress.

33
EBRD transition indicators (2)
  • To make the country assessments, the Bank has
    developed a set of so called transition
    indicators. The main indicators are grouped into
    broad categories such as
  • Enterprises
  • Markets and trade
  • Financial institutions
  • Infrastructure

34
EBRD transition indicators (3)
  • There are also indicators relating to progress
    with legal reforms relevant for private sector
    business.
  • All these indicators, and sub-divisions within
    them are assessed on a qualitative scale running
    from 1 to 4, 1 indicating that virtually no
    reform has occurred, 4 (or sometimes 4)
    indicating conditions equivalent to those of a
    well functioning market.
  • See the EBRDs Transition Report for any recent
    year (handout) (discuss)

35
Evidence - links between institutions and growth
  • Numerous empirical studies, both specifically on
    transition economies and on economies around the
    world, linking growth in real GDP (or sometimes,
    GDP per capita) to a variety of explanatory
    variables, sometimes starting from neoclassical
    or new growth theory type models.
  • On transition, the first papers were by Fischer
    et al. (1996 and 1997). Other work has regressed
    growth rates on measures of initial conditions,
    measures of macroeconomic stabilisation (such as
    the rate of inflation), measures of economic
    openness/trade liberalisation, and various
    combinations of the EBRD reform indicators
    discussed above.

36
Evidence (2)
  • General finding that growth does depend on reform
    progress, while conventional variables like
    factor inputs were usually insignificant in the
    early years of transition.
  • However, as time passes the impact of initial
    conditions and reform indicators declines why?.
  • For the countries that joined the EU in May 2004
    and January 2007, doubtful whether a study of
    growth and reform would now pick up much impact
    of (further) reforms.
  • Still possibilities for picking up reform effects
    amongst the CIS countries, since in many
    important areas they have a great deal of reform
    still to do.

37
Evidence (3)
  • Note 1 extensive empirical work suggests that
    resource-rich countries tend to grow more slowly
    than countries lacking resources why?.
  • In the CIS, this observation could apply to
    Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan in particular,
    though in recent years Kazakhstan has shown
    rather good performance how is it overcoming the
    natural resources curse?
  • Note 2 there is an issue of causal direction
    when examining links between institutions and
    growth do good institutions cause growth or
    does growth bring about a demand for (better)
    institutions? discuss
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