Title: Economics of Transition
1Economics of Transition
- Module C20EE1
- Semester 1 (Autumn 2009), Weeks 4, 10 Lectures
by Professor Paul Hare, Mary Burton Building,
Room 1.04 - E-mail p.g.hare_at_hw.ac.uk
- Website www.sml.hw.ac.uk/ecopgh
2Week 4. Start of Transition
3The 1980s system in crisis
- Growing symptoms of crisis in the socialist
system during the 1980s - Slowing growth rates, with a few countries (e.g.
Poland) barely growing at all - As a result, living standards stagnated
- Sluggish foreign trade, with these countries
accounting for a declining share of world trade - Growing (hard currency) indebtedness in some
countries, in part due to poor responses to the
1970s oil price increases - Inflationary pressures and other signs of
macroeconomic imbalance (such as trade deficits,
government deficits, etc.) intensifying.
4Crisis (2)
- The result was some signs of political tension in
the region, but probably less than one might have
expected. - No real sign that the communist system was about
to collapse from within, though in economic
terms, it was clearly a failing system. - Poland was the most unsettled politically, with
martial law in force under General Jaruzelski and
increasing pressure from the Solidarity trade
union movement also a rapidly worsening economic
crisis. - So in late 1988, the principle of multi-party
democracy was conceded, with elections planned
for mid-1989 some seats were guaranteed to the
communists but they still lost badly, and
Solidarity supporters were invited to form a
government. - Note key role of Soviet President Gorbachev his
declaration that the socialist countries had to
choose their own path. But who could believe him
then?
5Crisis (3)
- Soon after Poland, Hungary agreed to hold
multi-party elections, under the leadership of
Miklos Németh (to whom Heriot-Watt eventually
awarded an honorary degree) - Then there were big demonstrations across East
Germany and demands for liberalisation there
eventually, the Berlin Wall fell, and the Iron
Curtain was removed - Demonstrations in CSFR led to the velvet
revolution there. - By end of 1989, most of Central Europe had moved
away from communist rule, towards democracy and
the project of building a market-type economy
(with a view, ultimately, of joining the EU) - Two years later, end-1991, the Soviet Union
disintegrated.
6The end of central planning and the start of the
transition to the market
- Central and Eastern Europe late 1989
- Former Soviet Union end-1991
- Reform stages (not always in this order)
- Political consolidation or reconfiguration
- Dismantle old economic system
- Build a new market-type economic system
- Macroeconomic stabilisation
- Liberalisation of prices and foreign trade
- Privatisation and restructuring
- Institutional transformation
7Political consolidation/reconfiguration
- Economists usually assume that countries stay the
same we tend to assume a degree of political
stability. - So at start of transition, we tended to assume
that country boundaries would be stable, and that
these would be accepted by all. - Of course, the Soviet Union did split into 15 new
states, but these were already Republics within
the Union, so it was expected. - But the post-communist world was more unstable
than expected.
8Political consolidation/reconfiguration (2)
- Thus in 1991, Yugoslavia started to disintegrate,
and by now, after several nasty wars (both
inter-state and civil/inter-ethnic), we are left
with Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, and Kosovo (whose
final status is still not determined). - On January 1st 1993, CSFR split peacefully into
two states Czech Republic, Slovakia. - Early 1990s, civil war in Moldova, secession of
Russian part of the country to form Transnistria
(still not recognised by anyone!).
9Political consolidation/reconfiguration (3)
- Wars between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the
status of various regions. - Civil wars in Tajikistan, Georgia
- Disputes between Russia and Ukraine over status
of Crimea, and access to Black Sea ports for
Russian navy. - Proposals from Belarus for an economic and
political merger with Russia this is still
official Belarus policy, but I dont think Russia
is very interested. - By now 18-20 years after the start of
transition the political landscape finally
looks more settled. But for many countries,
warfare has delayed economic reforms, and that is
evident in the economic data.
10Political consolidation/reconfiguration (4)
- Even though more stable, it certainly cannot be
said that all the new states are consolidated as
democracies, though most are inclined towards
democracy. - But some states are not yet democratic at all,
e.g. Belarus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan. - Others have yet to develop full respect for rule
of law, or to accept constraints on executive
power (e.g. Russia). - More recently, even some apparently settled
democracies in Central Europe have elected
strange governments or are experiencing
political crises (e.g. Hungary, Slovakia, Poland,
etc.) one could interpret this as normal
growing pains of democratic systems.
11Dismantle old economic system
- This is the easiest part of transition, since
closing something down is normally easier and
quicker than building something new. - Central planning ended so planning offices
closed. - Centralised price fixing ended so price offices
closed or changed their role (some became new
offices for competition policy). - Liberalise exports and imports so offices that
administered most of the former restrictions were
closed.
12Macroeconomic stabilisation
- Especially important in countries where macro
imbalances at start of transition were severe. - This means severe shortages, sometimes a big
government deficit (esp. as socialist era taxes
on profits disappeared), inherited external debt,
and trade deficit. - Hungary few shortages, little inflationary
pressure at start, so only a modest initial burst
of inflation, not much active stabilisation
needed. - Poland, widespread shortages, large monetary
overhang, massive inflation in late 1989 (several
hundred percent), so drastic steps needed in
January 1990 to stabilise the economy (part of
the Balcerowicz plan).
13Macroeconomic stabilisation (2)
- CIS countries severe inflationary pressure,
problem of establishing new currencies, but need
for active stabilisation underestimated or failed
to get political support. - Massive inflation in 1993, everywhere over 1000,
in Ukraine around 10,000. Most individual
savings wiped out. - Hence effective stabilisation delayed until
mid-1990s. - In 1993/4, Serbia experienced the worst inflation
ever seen anywhere, essentially due to financing
wars by printing money (not good economics!).
The new currency was tied to the DM, now the
Euro, and its introduction followed inflation
over a billion billion percent! - In all cases, stabilisation means getting the
government budget and the external balance under
control, operating a sound monetary policy (often
with a new currency).
14Liberalisation of prices and foreign trade
- In part this aspect of transition was already
covered under an earlier heading - But in practice there was the question of how
rapidly, how fully the various controls over
prices and trade should be removed. - Prices
- Some countries liberalised prices in a single
step - But most proceeded more gradually, keeping some
control over sensitive prices such as public
utilities, housing, public transport, culture,
etc. - This then resulted in some big price distortions,
e.g. energy prices, for a while, seemed even
cheaper than before. - Some prices failed to cover costs, and required
massive state subsidies. - But shortages disappeared almost everywhere, very
rapidly.
15Liberalisation of prices (2)
- Shortage and Prices
- Lipton and Sachs (1990) present a model to show
that the initial post-transition price rises can
improve welfare. - Queueing costs in the old system are a deadweight
loss, and they disappear once transition under
way. - While price rises relative to incomes normally
lower welfare, this might not be so if people
also save queueing time depends on the balance
of costs and benefits, which then becomes an
empirical question. - In countries with little queueing (e.g. Hungary),
the initial jump in prices was also less, but
almost certainly made people worse off. - In countries with a lot of queuing (e.g. Poland
and Russia), the initial price jump was much
greater. True, queueing did end, but most
peoples cash balances (savings) were devalued,
and this represented a big loss.
16Liberalisation of trade
- A few countries, notably Estonia, Poland, both
ended all physical controls on trade, and
abolished all (Estonia) or most (Poland) tariffs
very bold! - Most countries removed trade barriers more
gradually, e.g. Hungary over three years (but had
started in 1987). - Limited controls remained, and tariff structures
in early 1990s were very diverse, with some high
peaks in rates. - Why retain tariffs at all?
- Revenue raising
- Protection of domestic firms
- Bargaining counter with EU.
- No country liberalised its capital account until
much later.
17Privatisation and restructuring
- Most firms were state owned in 1989/91
- General notion of market economy is that most
productive activity should be in private sector - Hence main element of transition had to be
privatisation of all or most state-owned firms. - But as Kornai stressed, privatisation not the
only way to build a private sector (he criticised
those who demanded more or less instant
privatisation). - Also need to create the conditions for massive
amounts of new business formation to put right
the bizarre size structure of firms under
socialism. This was neglected in some countries,
and many still have far too few firms.
18Privatisation and restructuring (2)
- Privatisation
- Objectives of privatisation (incl. separation
from state) - Speed of privatisation
- Methods (incl. sales vs. give-aways)
- Should there be restitution to former owners?
- Who should the new owners be? (former
Nomenklatura, crooks, foreigners) - Role of banks and financial markets in
privatisation - Should some sectors/firms be retained in state
hands, and if so, how should these be managed?
(e.g. Asset management companies, etc.) - Should the state retain shares in some firms?
Golden shares? - Public utilities and regulatory issues.
19Privatisation and restructuring (3)
- Restructuring
- Many socialist firms were not in good shape to
compete in the market - Often over-diversified (made lots of their inputs
instead of relying on supply system) - Often produced a product mix not well suited to
the new conditions - Often had surprisingly poor information about
costs and controlled them badly - Many firms employed too many workers, used them
inefficiently. - Hence many of these firms needed to
restructure/reorganise in order to compete and
survive in the market.
20Privatisation and restructuring (4)
- Restructuring (2)
- Should firms restructure before or after
privatisation? (can the government be trusted to
do what it failed to do before?) - How to restructure?
- Selling off units producing products outside main
range (cf. some examples from UK privatisation) - Cutting costs
- Focussing production on profitable lines
- Investing to develop new products
- Should subsidies/tax relief be available to help
restructuring? - Key issue of hardening the budget constraint.
21Institutional transformation
- Most difficult part of the transition, initially
neglected - Sometimes boring and technical, hence hard to
mobilise political support, convince people it is
important (e.g. accounting reform simplifying
the tariff structure strengthening property
rights) - Example think of the institutions needed to
make the standard S D model work. - New laws property rights, contracts
- New organisations financial sector also
various new types of regulatory body.
22Week 10. Institutions and Transition
23Introduction
- The standard transition policy package includes
such elements as - macroeconomic stabilisation
-
- price and trade liberalisation
-
- privatisation and restructuring
- institutional reforms
- In the early years of transition, most emphasis
was placed on the first three elements.
Institutional change was not wholly forgotten, of
course, but its importance was perhaps not fully
understood, it was often not regarded as
politically very appealing (e.g. how do you make
reforming business accounting systems seem at all
exciting?? ), and reforms were often not
perceived as especially urgent.
24Introduction (2)
- External advisors to transition economies -
usually mentioned the need for institutional
reforms, but it also tended to be downplayed
initially. - Interesting to note that in most Western-type
economics courses we still teach rather little on
the institutional underpinnings of the market
economy. - Example - standard S D analysis
- Think about property rights, contracts, etc.
linked to the standard model
25Institutions - definitions, etc.
- In transition economies, problems of nature of
the state, state boundaries (constraints on state
action), objectives of the state, state
competence. - Economic institutions are social arrangements
possessing a number of special features - (a) they regulate economic behaviour in ways
which, in the short run, often conflict with
individual preferences - (b) they are based on shared expectations,
derived from custom, trust, legal provisions,
etc. - (c)Â they make most sense if the economy is
thought of as a repeated game in which most
types of transaction occur many times and - (d) anonymity, in the sense that the functioning
of a given institution should not be dependent
upon the identity of the economic agents seeking
to conduct the types of transaction to which this
institution relates.
26Institutions definitions (2)
- The last is the most problematic feature, and in
many small-scale and informal business
activities, such as trading networks, it will not
be satisfied. - Given such characteristics, many institutions are
likely to have the character of public goods.
Among other things, this implies that the supply
of institutions generated by the market
mechanism left to itself is unlikely to
correspond to the socially efficient level.
Under these conditions, there is evidently a role
for the state both in creating institutions which
the market does not provide and regulating in the
public interest those which it does.
27Typical institutions
- Private property rights and contracts
- Banks and other financial markets existence,
functioning and regulation - Reliable access to credit on reasonable terms
- Bankruptcy/liquidation policy in place to
facilitate orderly exit - Labour market institutions social policy and the
social safety net
28Typical institutions (2)
- Clear fiscal environment for firms, perceived as
fair, predictable and enforced - This means, for instance, that in a multi-level
country such as Russia it should not be possible
for the regions to set taxes that conflict with
national policies, and taxes should not be
changed frequently - Institutions dealing with competition policy,
industrial policy and trade policy. - Trust between economic agents, trust and honesty
in public institutions (lack of corruption,
reliable law enforcement, incl. as regards
business taxation).
29How do institutions evolve?
- Often assumed, as central planning ended, that
market institutions would just emerge, without
needing any concrete action. This partly
explains why the issue got little attention. - But property rights, business forms, banking
practices, etc., in market economies evolved
slowly over centuries. - Does this mean we have to wait that long in the
transition economies for good institutions to
evolve? - Or are there steps we can take to help create the
needed new institutions, to accelerate the
process?
30Evolution (2)
- First, its crucial for policymakers to
understand the need for reforms (cf. Russia,
institutions to settle business disputes). - Next, they need to design the reform, decide what
to do and in what sequence of steps. - Tempting to copy other countries can learn from
their experience. But must also learn from their
mistakes. - Also reforms in different fields need to fit,
can be risky to picknmix.
31Evolution (3) Transition examples
- Housing markets
- Property registers
- Mortgage finance
- Regulating public utilities
- Ministry vs. independent regulator
- Business environment
- Making it quick, easy and cheap to set up new
firms - Bankruptcy laws, facilitating exit
32EBRD transition indicators
- Bank set up in 1990/91 to act as a regional IFI
with a remit to promote transition to the market
economy in its countries of operations. - Provides a little technical assistance, but
mostly operates by providing loans for investment
projects, now funding new activity at the rate of
Euros 3-4 billion annually. - The Banks board of governors soon wanted the
Banks reporting to include information on the
transition impact of its activities, and the Bank
now provides this at project-level (in
post-project evaluation reports), and for
sectors. In addition, the Bank assesses each
year, as part of the Transition Report, the
situation of each country of operation in regard
to transition progress.
33EBRD transition indicators (2)
- To make the country assessments, the Bank has
developed a set of so called transition
indicators. The main indicators are grouped into
broad categories such as - Enterprises
- Markets and trade
- Financial institutions
- Infrastructure
34EBRD transition indicators (3)
- There are also indicators relating to progress
with legal reforms relevant for private sector
business. - All these indicators, and sub-divisions within
them are assessed on a qualitative scale running
from 1 to 4, 1 indicating that virtually no
reform has occurred, 4 (or sometimes 4)
indicating conditions equivalent to those of a
well functioning market. - See the EBRDs Transition Report for any recent
year (handout) (discuss)
35Evidence - links between institutions and growth
- Numerous empirical studies, both specifically on
transition economies and on economies around the
world, linking growth in real GDP (or sometimes,
GDP per capita) to a variety of explanatory
variables, sometimes starting from neoclassical
or new growth theory type models. - On transition, the first papers were by Fischer
et al. (1996 and 1997). Other work has regressed
growth rates on measures of initial conditions,
measures of macroeconomic stabilisation (such as
the rate of inflation), measures of economic
openness/trade liberalisation, and various
combinations of the EBRD reform indicators
discussed above.
36Evidence (2)
- General finding that growth does depend on reform
progress, while conventional variables like
factor inputs were usually insignificant in the
early years of transition. - However, as time passes the impact of initial
conditions and reform indicators declines why?.
- For the countries that joined the EU in May 2004
and January 2007, doubtful whether a study of
growth and reform would now pick up much impact
of (further) reforms. - Still possibilities for picking up reform effects
amongst the CIS countries, since in many
important areas they have a great deal of reform
still to do.
37Evidence (3)
- Note 1 extensive empirical work suggests that
resource-rich countries tend to grow more slowly
than countries lacking resources why?. - In the CIS, this observation could apply to
Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan in particular,
though in recent years Kazakhstan has shown
rather good performance how is it overcoming the
natural resources curse? - Note 2 there is an issue of causal direction
when examining links between institutions and
growth do good institutions cause growth or
does growth bring about a demand for (better)
institutions? discuss