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Biotech in Bangalore

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Title: Biotech in Bangalore


1
Biotech in Bangalore
  • The contested politics of technology

2
Contexts
  • Rapid economic growth and technology-led
    industrialisation (notably IT sector)
  • Competition between Indian states and Chief
    Ministers - for foreign investment
  • Bangalore pitched as a knowledge hub for
    biotechnology, linking public and private science
  • Civil society opposition to GM crops protests,
    crop burnings etc.

3
Key questions
  • How do debates about (agri) biotechnology
    frame/co-construct broader visions of
    development?
  • How does the politics of Indias (Karnataka
    states) new knowledge economy define the role
    of (bio)technology?
  • What alternative spaces for debate about
    technology and the politics of knowledge are
    there, and what impact do they have?

4
Biotech in Bangalore two narratives
  • From IT to BT. State support for new investments
    in biotech industry (mostly small start-ups doing
    contract research for US/European biotech
    companies)
  • From the Green Revolution to the Gene
    Revolution. GM crops (Bt cotton) to help solve
    the cost constraint problems of agriculture.
    Joint public-private efforts, including State Ag
    University, Monsanto etc.

5
Network politics Karnatakas Millennium Biotech
Policy
  • 1999 New state government, under tech-savvy
    CM, S.M. Krishna key advice networks from the
    IT/business world
  • 2000 Biotech Vision Group formed, chaired by
    biotech entrepreneur, Kiran Muzumdar-Shaw and
    steered by IT and BT Secretary (elite
    public/private expertise with direct route to CM
    hailed as a new way of doing business/policy)
  • 2001 Policy launched with much fanfare by core
    network, focusing on IT-BT narratives -
    commitments to tax breaks, biotech park, ibab,
    state biotech devt council. And some research
    infrastructure for GM crop research (in Dharwad),
    a concession GR narrative
  • 2002-04 Persistence of network
  • 2004-06 Upsets and confusions.

6
A stable discourse coalition?
  • The Biotech Vision Group network including
    cooption of the ag science community
  • Basic political platform of State government
    tech led growth, at all costs
  • International accolades and backing from Monsanto
    to Tony Blair
  • Core media support the Bangalore/India success
    story
  • Dissent accommodated, marginalised, ignored
  • A vision of development based on technology/the
    knowledge economy, premised on competing in
    global economy, with trickle down benefits to the
    poor. The states main focus should be to
    facilitate this and not fall behind.

7
But.other voices, other actions
  • Resentments of Vision Group approach/leadership
    (reluctant cooption by (public sector) ag
    scientists who wanted more of a GM crops focus)
  • NGO campaigns KRRS protests, Citizen Juries,
    court cases etc, with media profile keeping the
    GM crop issue alive
  • Electoral politics... IT/BT vs the rural poor
    became a key part of election discourse in 2004
    and since (with 2 changes in state government
    resulting)
  • Farmers who planted GM Bt cotton in large
    quantities over this period
  • Conflicting and confusing opposition to the
    policy framework neither coherent nor
    convincing, and fairly easily dismissed

8
Lessons.
  • Core discourse coalition and associated vision
    of development - remains strong, despite setbacks
    .Why?
  • Narratives in neo-liberal world, technology is
    seen as a means capturing efficiency gains/global
    comparative advantage and so generating economic
    growth. A good thing.
  • Actors/Networks influential elite actors
    promote the narrative line, and are have
    interests (commercial, political etc.) aligned
    with it
  • Politics/interests Wider political economy,
    inc.. a combination of the particular (Indian)
    trajectories of capitalist development under
    globalisation, the reality of large investment
    flows, and emergent political configurations
    locally and globally.
  • Alternatives - views are fragmented, often
    poorly articulated and not strategically focused.
    Little space to debate technology and the
    politics of knowledge in the new India setting
    closing down, not opening up.

9
Implications?
  • Science and technology central to development
    debates must go beyond the pretence of
    rational, scientific approaches to
    policymaking to an appreciation of wider politics
    and values.
  • Choices about technology are about fundamental
    (political, societal) choices for the future, and
    should not be left to the expert/elite machinery
    of policymaking.
  • Biotech requires a new style of politics and
    policymaking. Requires opening up new spaces for
    debate about the politics of knowledge and
    technology, and bringing these firmly into the
    mainstream of contemporary political debate
  • Is this the old debate about democratising
    science and technology or more than this?

10
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