Title: Chinese Government: Structure and Finance
1Chinese Government Structure and Finance
2Power of Chinese Government
- Maintaining formal institution
- Legal system
- Financial system
- Crisis management
- Fiscal policy
- Taxation
- Fiscal spending (e.g. infrastructure)
- Direct policy intervention
- One-child policy
- Direct control of production process
- Planning
- State owned enterprises
3Trend of Government Size
- Ratio of fiscal expenditure to GDP (Figure 12.1
and p. 437) - 1979 over 30
- 1990 20
- 1996 11
- Current around 20
4Outline
- Governance structure
- Centralized political power
- Dynamics inside
- Decentralized economic decision
- One menu, separate stoves
- Fiscal system
- Centre-local relationship
- Taxing ability
- Spending mechanism (e.g. budgetary process)
5General Features of Chinas Reform and Transition
- Gradualist transition
- A structural break in early 1990s
- 1978-1993 A cautious incrementalism (high
stability) and lack of policy decisiveness
6First period of transition (1978-1993) Reform
without losers
- Allowing TVEs
- Incentivization
- Dual-track price system
- Dencentralization
- Particularistic contracting
7Second period of transition (1993-now)
- Fiscal reform
- Corporate reform
- Company law
- Foreign trade and investment
- Joining WTO
- Financial reform (banking system)
- Price system
- More stable inflation
- Privatization
- Welfare reform
8Chinas Political System
- Run by the Chinese Communist Party
- Authoritarian and Hierarchical
9The Structure of Power in Different Transition
Stages
- From 1978 to early 1990s
- National power was fragmented with numerous veto
players. - Revolutionary vs. conservative elders
- Eight Elders and a handful of younger leaders
- The power to make or block economic policy was
widely dispersed. - Central Advisory Commission
- From early 1990s to now
- Less fragmented national power
10Chinas Political System at the Beginning of the
Reform
- A centralized political system that provided
leaders with abundant patronage to distribute - Physical goods
- Managerial jobs (nomenklatura system)
- Reciprocal accountability
- No real checks and balances
- Leaders and aspiring leaders compete to promote
their own clients to responsible posts and
positions that give them a vote in crucial
commitees and Party Congresses.
11How did the 1978 reform started?
- Political equilibrium has been broken in the
cultural revolution. - The first response of Chinas leaders after 1976
(Maos death) was to fix up the old economic
system and rehabilitate the CP political system. - Great Leap Outward
- The effort failed and this convinced Chinas
leaders that maintenance of the status quo was
infeasible.
12Benefit and Costs of Reform for the Leaders
- Costs
- The supply of rents is reduced
- The possibilities of autonomy increase
- Commitment within the hierarchy declines
- Benefits
- New types of patronage resources
13Part 2
- This part follows chapter 10 by Stephan Haggard
and Yasheng Huang - This part focus on the interaction between
governments and the private sector.
14Single Menu, Separate Stoves (Kai Yuen Tsui)
- Single menu
- The centre still exerts a firm grip over local
bureaucracy through its control over appointment,
evaluation and dismissal of local cadres. - A top-down system of incentive contracts, TRS
(target responsibility system) align the
interests of local cadres with the preferences of
(ultimately) the centre. - Separate stoves
- Local governments can retain part of local fiscal
revenue and influence local economic activities,
e.g. investment. - Fiscal sharing contracts between the centre and
the provinces limit central-state predation.
15TRS
- TRS is a set of performance criteria (targets)
that induce local cadres to allocate their fiscal
resources in the preferences of the centre - Fertility control
- Nine-year compulsory education
- Environmental protection
- Suppression of inflation
- Level by level, the targets are passed downward
and are decomposed among subordinate governments
and cadres.
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17Cadre Promotion Mechanism
- The performance of local cadres are ranked in
accordance with the points based on TRS weighting
schemes. - The larger the weight, the stronger the
incentive. - Economic construction is often assigned large
weight (e.g. 60) - Local cadres have a strong incentive to exert
efforts on tasks easily measured and heavily
weighted (causing distortion).
18Do voting-with-feet work in China?
- The proliferation of predatory charges suggests
that a voting with feet scenario may be too
optimistic. - Household registration or hukou system together
with other administrative controls might hurt
labor mobility
19Why inflation was higher when China grew faster?
20Decentralization and Growth-Inflation Comovement
(Brandt and Zhu, 2000)
- A Cyclical Stop-Go Pattern in China since 1978
- Rapid growth and accelerating inflation
- Then prolonged contractions with low growth and
inflation rates - A Widening State-Nonstate Output Gap
- The state industrial sectors share fell from 78
in 1978 to 34 in 1995
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23The Brandt-Zhu Story
- Decentralization draws bank credits away from the
state sector to the more efficient non-state
sector ? Widening State-nonstate gap and
increasing growth rate - The central government makes up for the loss in
credit by printing money to finance the state
sector ? High inflation - The central government introduces
recentralization ? More credit to state sector,
low aggregate growth rate, less printed money and
lower inflation rate.
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26Decentralization, Growth, and Inflation Time
Series Evidence (Feltenstein and Iwata, 2004)
- Decentralization plays a fairly important role in
a model of growth and inflation. - The pattern of the relation does not appear to be
restricted to the post-reform period, but rather
characterizes the entire postwar economy in China - Between 1949 and 2001, the Chinese economic
policy shifts frequently between decentralization
and recentraliztion programs.
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28Main Features of Fiscal Decentralization in China
- Intergovernmental Fiscal contracts
- Fiscal contracts between successive levels of
governments define rules not to trespass on the
tax rights of local governments. - Local governments have ownership rights over
their off-budget resources. - Extra-budgetary revenue (charges levied by
administrative and institutional units) grew at
27 per year during 1982-95, reaching similar
amount as the budgetary revenue. - Extra-system revenue (e.g. profits from TVEs) is
also significant. - Unstable centre-state fiscal sharing contract
- No independent enforcer of fiscal contracts
(things have changed much since the 1994 tax
reform) - Off-budget revenues are not secure either
29Chinas Fiscal System
- Before 1994
- No formal tax system
- Revenue came mainly from industrial profits
- Particularistic fiscal contracts between
successive levels of governments - After 1994
- A formal tax system with broader tax base (Table
12.1) - Uniform revenue sharing between centre and local
30Current Revenue Structure
31Centre-Local Sharing of Major Tax Revenues
- Fully owned by the central government
- Taxes collected by customs
- Income tax from financial institutions
- Shared between the central and local government
- VAT 75 for the central
- Taxes on foreign firms
- Income tax (for individuals and firms)
- Fully owned local governments
- Business tax (mainly service sector, excluding
financial industry) - Why?
32Tax Incentives for Local Governments
- Incentives for helping and protecting local
economy remain but are weaker than in the
pre-1994 period. - Economy-intervening policy by local governments
may be distorted by the sharing scheme. - Service sector may be more attractive than the
manufacturing sector
33Centre-Local Fiscal Relationships (Figure 12.3)
- Local share of expenditure
- Continuously rising
- Local share of expenditure
- Generally decreasing (except for the 1983-1993
period) - Transfer
- Before 1983 Upward transfer
- 1983-1993 Approximately balanced
- After 1993 Downward transfer
34About Transfer
- Why do the fiscal system shifts towards the
large-downward-transfer scheme? - Concern for interregional inequality
- Different roles of local governments in
expenditure and revenue collection - Efficiency of transfer
35Power of the Agency of Fiscal Revenues
- Ratio of tax revenue to GDP continues to rise
since late 1990s. - High variant local tax collection system
- Tax collection costs
- Tax competition
- Tax collection effort
36The Case of Personal Income Tax
- Official tax scheme
- Individuals with wage income under a certain
threshold do not need to pay personal income tax - The line was 800 yuan/month in 2004 and increased
to 1600 in 2006. - Progressive personal income tax
- Tax rates are uniform across China
37Personal Income TaxFour cities
38Efficiency of Public Spending
- Poor budgeting
- Passive and incremental budgeting
- Inadequate time for preparation
- Little focus on strategic priorities
- Ineffective monitoring
- Huge extrabudgetary spending
39Extra-budgetary Funds
- Huge
- Fees and levies 8-10 of GDP
- Quasi-fiscal spending through the banking system
6-8 of GDP - Distorting
- Over-use of land and over-investment in physical
infrastructure - Temporary
40Summary
- A flexible system of controlling China
- Centralized political and personnel control (e.g.
policy mandates and targets) - Decentralized economic decision (e.g. effective
tax schemes) - Advantages
- Powerful incentives for local government
officials to put in efforts - May be an important source of Chinas successful
reform (e.g. facilitate the trial-and-error
reform approach) - Disadvantages
- Distorted incentives (due to asymmetric
information on performance measures) - Short-sighted policies due to short tenure of
high-level local officials - The system itself is not well controlled (e.g.
EBF) - Potentially low efficiency of intergovernmental
transfers