Title: The place of religion in the Iranian fertility transition
1The place of religion in the Iranian fertility
transition
- Peter McDonald Md Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi
- The Australian National University The
University of Tehran
Presentation given at the international
conferenceCivil Society, Religion Global
Governance Paradigms of Power Persuasion12
September 2005, Canberra Australia
2The fastest fall in fertility ever recorded
- Confounding all conventional wisdom, the
fertility rate in the Islamic Republic of Iran
fell from around 7.0 births per woman in the
early 1980s to 2.1 births per woman in 2000. - Our latest estimates indicate that some parts of
Iran have fertility rates that are very low
(below 1.5 births per woman), a rate generally
considered to be too low for long-run
demographic sustainability.
3The Total Fertility Rate, Iran, 1972-2001
4The emergence of the Islamic republic
- Following the 1970s oil boom, by the end of the
1970s, many Iranians considered that their
country was wealthy but that they themselves were
not seeing the fruits of that wealth. - The outcome was regime change through popular
revolution, the only example of such change in
the Middle East in the past 40 years. - The strong and viable alternative at the time was
an Islamic Republic.
5The early years of the revolution
- Reform in the new republic was focussed first and
foremost on the application of a conservative
social and religious agenda and upon the
realignment of foreign relationships. - Highly visible were reforms related to women
including the application of their status as
contingent upon a responsible male, separation of
the sexes in public, the enforcement of the
strict dress code and the lowering of the minimum
age at marriage for girls to nine years.
6Policy in relation to births
- The family planning program which under the Shah
regime had enjoyed only modest success at best
was allowed to fall into disrepair and
contraception became less readily available. - Indeed, the new government, plunged almost
immediately into a long and bloody war with Iraq,
adopted a number of policies that were
effectively pronatalist. - The total rejection of western values and
isolation from those values along with the
changes in womens status portrayed Iran to the
West as being culturally conservative, especially
in relation to fertility and family planning.
7Fertility 1980-84
- This expectation was borne out in the first years
of the revolution through increases in fertility
rates across the country. - In some provinces, especially those with
substantial ethnic minorities (and more
especially those that were Sunni), the
cross-sectional fertility rate rose in the first
half of the 1980s to almost ten children per
woman.
8The economy in the early years of the revolution
- Economic reform was very limited in the new
republic. Stimulated by the war and perhaps by
the Islamic approach to economic development,
industry became even more state-centralised and
isolated from world markets. - 580 large to medium sized companies were
nationalized. Protection, inflation and currency
mismanagement were rampant. - The hopes of most people that their economic
circumstances would be greatly improved were not
realised.
9Access to services
- The new government invested heavily in
infrastructure especially electricity and water
supply. - More importantly for the story of this paper,
however, was the creation throughout the country
of widespread and cheap access to education and
health services. Infant and child mortality rates
fell sharply and education and literacy rose
rapidly.
10The status of women
- Despite the restrictions placed upon women in
many areas of their lives, the egalitarian nature
of the revolution extended full access to
education and health services to women. - In this respect, the revolution was highly
enlightened compared, for example, to what was to
happen under the Taliban regime in neighbouring
Afghanistan. - The following slide shows the rapid advance of
women in selected provinces. - Today, women constitute about 60 per cent of new
enrolments at Iranian universities.
11Percentage distribution of marriage cohorts by
level of education and province, IFTS 2002
121986 the watershed
- The oil price plummeted, greatly reducing the
revenues of the government - The war was in its sixth year with no sign of
resolution -
- The first census revealed the massive growth of
population and the high fertility rates that had
applied in the first years of the revolution - The populace had had six years to realise that
their economic aspirations were not about to be
met and, with the fall in the oil price, a
worsening of their circumstances was much more
likely
13Fertility 1986-89
- After the census, there was widespread official
concern about high population growth (4 per
annum from 1976 to 1986) but official action to
address the high birth rate was slow. - Despite this, the fertility rate began to fall
from the mid 1980s onwards. - The Total Fertility Rate fell from 6.5 in 1986 to
5.9 in 1989.
14Fertility after the national family planning
program 1990
- Since the national family planning program was
established in 1989, fertility has fallen sharply
and continues to fall. - Well over 70 per cent of women of childbearing
age are using contraception. - The two-child norm is widespread.
- Simultaneously, women delayed their first births,
spaced their second births, and stopped having
children at whatever the number was that they
already had.
15Age specific fertility rates for Iran, 1976,
1980, 1986, 1996 and 2000
16Probability of having another birth, based on the
number a woman already had
17Contraceptive prevalence rate among currently
married women by age , IFTS 2002
18Ideal number of children by province and marriage
cohorts, IFTS 2002
19Ubiquitous decline
- Fertility fell simultaneously in every part of
the country, rural and urban, every province, all
ethnicities, Shia and Sunni.
20Trends in the total fertility rate by province,
Iran, 19722000
So
urce See Table 2.
21Fertility trend by sect of Islam
22Fertility trend by language
23Economic aspects of childbearing, YQS 2001
- Rural woman aged 39 The economic situation is
not good now, and we cannot have many children.
Even if the situation became better, its
impossible to have many children, because we
cannot rear them properly. - Urban woman aged 49 with 7 children Having
children is difficult. We want to rear them
properly. If we had fewer children, we would not
have to be thinking about them all the time.
24Religion and Family Planning, YQS 2001
- Urban, 49 If a religious leader says
tubectomy or vasectomy is forbidden, people would
not accept it. Because most people are thinking
that living costs and expenses have increased. - Rural, 34 If religious leaders say using a
method is forbidden, I would use it. Because if I
dont use it I may have another child. Would
they do anything for me if I become pregnant and
have another child, then?.
25Economic versus religious considerations
- People prioritise economic considerations over
religious pronouncements. - While many religious leaders tend to be
ambivalent about the legitimacy of various
methods of contraception and about birth control
in general, they are also aware of the
development problems associated with very high
fertility rates. - They are also now very aware of the popularity of
birth control and of the desire of most parents
to limit the number of their children to no more
than two.
26Conclusion
- It would be very difficult at this point for any
Iranian Government to curtail access to
contraception and sterilization. - This is especially the case given that, over the
years, those involved in the running of the
family planning have been able to obtain fatwa
from religious scholars that provide approval of
various forms of contraception, including
sterilisation.