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Mapping the IsraeliPalestinian Conflict

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Title: Mapping the IsraeliPalestinian Conflict


1
Mapping the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Solution
  • The question of borders

Part 2 Land Swaps
Presented by S. Daniel Abrahams Center for
Middle East Peace Prepared by Dan Rothem In
collaboration with Lara Friedman
2
Review Elements of the Classic Palestinian
Approach to Borders
  • Since the Peel Commission, each historical
    development has diminished the land under
    Palestinian control and increased the land under
    Jewish/Israeli control.
  • Recognition of the 1967 line as the legitimate
    border and the basis of negotiations in
    essence, Palestinian acceptance of Israel on 78
    of the land of historic Palestine constitutes
    an historic concession to Israel.
  • All Israeli settlement activity beyond the 1967
    line violates international law, including in
    East Jerusalem.
  • The West Bank and Gaza Strip must be considered a
    single territorial unit and a safe passage must
    be established to allow unimpeded movement
    between them.

3
Expected Palestinian Positions in Negotiations
  • Any agreement must be based on the 1967 lines and
    must refer explicitly to these lines.
  • The starting point of any agreement must be
    recognition of the Palestinian claim to 100 of
    the land of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, based
    on the 1967 lines and constituting 22 of
    historic Palestine.
  • The Palestinian concession regarding the
    remaining 78 of historic Palestine represents
    the final Palestinian position regarding the
    amount of territory it will concede.
  • Any deviations from the 1967 lines must be
    mutually agreed on and compensated by land swaps
    that are equal in quantity and quality.
  • Such land swaps should be minimal (2 or less of
    the total land area).
  • A safe passage route between the West Bank and
    Gaza Strip must be established.

4
Review Classic Israeli borders approach
  • The 1967 lines have no legal standing and are not
    sacred.
  • The fate of the territories will be resolved in
    negotiations, without regard to prior claims by
    the Palestinians.
  • Israeli interests require the annexation of
    large, expanded settlement blocks and areas
    around Jerusalem.
  • Israeli security requires a long-term presence in
    all or part of the Jordan Valley.

5
Expected Israeli Position in Negotiations
  • Israel may accept the legitimacy of the 1967
    lines, as mentioned in the Bush speech of 2002
    and as referenced in the 2004 Israeli-US exchange
    of letters (referred to as the 1949 Armistice
    Line).
  • Israel will be prepared to make painful
    compromises and evacuate many West Bank
    settlements (with the route of the barrier as the
    likely starting point), but will not compromise
    on some land that it views as strategically vital
    or that is home to large settler populations.
  • Land swaps will be considered, but not according
    to a 11 ratio.
  • Safe passage between the West Bank and Gaza Strip
    will not be viewed as a Palestinian entitlement
    but rather as an Israeli concession that will be
    used as negotiating leverage.

6
Review Possible points of agreement on borders
A model formula Borders will be based on the
1967 lines with agreed-upon modifications that
will include land swaps equal in size (11) and
will take into consideration the parties
security and demographic interests while
maintaining territorial contiguity.
  • Includes explicit reference to 1967 (as demanded
    by the Palestinians)
  • Includes idea of modifications to 1967 borders
    (as demanded by the Israelis)
  • Includes concept of 11 land swaps (as demanded
    by the Palestinians)
  • Places no limitation on size of modifications and
    swaps (as demanded by the Israelis)

7
Focus on Land Swaps
  • It is clear that Israel will seek to retain large
    areas of the West Bank to accommodate settlement
    blocs and for security purposes.
  • It is also clear that Palestinians will demand
    that any land annexed by Israel must be agreed to
    by the Palestinians and offset by land from
    inside Israel, on the basis of 11 land swaps.
  • There is a rather finite and definable bank of
    Israeli land available for such swaps,
    representing a de facto limit on the percentage
    of land that Israel can annex and swap.
  • This bank comprising land of varying quality,
    is equal to approximately 8 of the West Bank.

8
Basic Criteria for Land Swaps
  • From an Israeli perspective, the land in question
    should be
  • Not located near Israels narrow waist
  • Free of Israeli vital infrastructure
  • Not located west of settlement blocks that Israel
    plans to annex
  • From a Palestinian perspective, the land in
    question should be
  • In close proximity to the Green Line
  • Of equal value (in terms of location, potential
    for use) to the land for which it is being
    swapped
  • Unresolved issues
  • How do the sides determine exact value of land?
    (this analysis measures value in terms of basic
    agricultural use, but this is not the only
    measure)
  • Can/should Israel include populated areas in land
    swaps?
  • Can/should Israel include a West Bank-Gaza safe
    passage in land swaps?

9
Israels realistic land swap options
  • The Basic Map, showing
  • Just the 1967 lines (other details removed for
    clarity)

10
Israels realistic land swap options
  • The basic map, showing
  • Israeli localities located near the Green Line
    (which act as a de facto limit on land that can
    be swapped)

11
Israels realistic land swap options
  • The basic map, showing
  • High- and medium-quality land available for swaps
    (in light and dark green) totaling about 4.5
    of land
  • Israeli localities located near the Green Line
    (in blue)

12
Israels realistic land swap options
  • The basic map, showing
  • High- and medium-quality land available for swaps
    (in light and dark green) totaling about 4.5
  • low-quality land available for swaps (in tan)
    adding up to 3.5 (but land that the Palestinians
    will likely not accept)
  • Israeli localities located near the Green Line
    (in blue)

13
Examining possible borders scenarios
  • What could borders look like if the sides agree
    to the model formula (1967 as basis, 11 swaps)?
  • The following three scenarios depict the room for
    maneuver available to current negotiators, under
    this formula
  • the Geneva Initiative (an unofficial
    Israeli-Palestinian model peace agreement, which
    assumes a 2.2 Israeli annexation)
  • the Israeli West Bank security barrier (the
    actual route of the barrier on the ground and
    approved by the Government of Israel, which
    involves a de facto 8.7 Israeli annexation)
  • a barrier proposal by the Council for Peace and
    Security (a highly-regarded non-governmental
    organization which submitted its own proposal for
    a unilateral barrier route that prescribes a de
    facto 5.7 Israeli annexation)
  • While these maps are accurate, they are not
    authoritative and are for illustrative purpose
    only. In the latter two maps, land swaps have
    been added for the sake of the analysis, based on
    a good faith effort to represent the likely
    demands and options of each side)

14
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Geneva Initiative Providing for a 2.2
Israeli annexation of the West Bank (settlement
blocks along the Green Line and around
Jerusalem), and 11 land swaps comprised of high-
and medium- value lands
15
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Geneva Initiative Providing for a 2.2
Israeli annexation of the West Bank (settlement
blocs along the Green Line and around Jerusalem),
and 11 land swaps comprised of high- and medium-
value land (shown here in the context of the full
map of Israel, to illustrate what this formula
would mean to both sides)
16
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Israeli Barrier Involving a de facto 8.7
Israeli annexation of the West Bank 11 land
swaps would require the Palestinians to accept a
large area of very low quality land (something
they are unlikely to accept)
17
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Israeli Barrier Involving a de facto 8.7
Israeli annexation of the West Bank11 land
swaps would require the Palestinians to accept a
large area of very low quality land (something
they are unlikely to accept) (shown here in the
context of the full map of Israel, to illustrate
what this formula would mean to both sides)
18
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Council for Peace and Security Barrier
Proposal Providing for a 5.7 Israeli annexation
of the West Bank 11 land swaps could be
achieved using mainly high- and medium-quality
land
19
Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Council for Peace and Security Barrier
Proposal Providing for a 5.7 Israeli annexation
of the West Bank 11 land swaps could be achieved
using mainly high- and medium-quality land (shown
here in the context of the full map of Israel, to
illustrate what this formula would mean to both
sides)
20
Some boring but important data
21
Populated Land Swaps?
  • There has been a great deal of debate in Israel
    surrounding suggestions that Israel should
    include areas inhabited by Israeli-Arabs
    (Israelis citizens who are ethnically
    Palestinian) in land swaps, with proponents
    arguing that inclusion of populated land would
    permit Israel to annex significantly more of the
    West Bank, and that such land swaps would
    significantly improve Israels demographic
    balance (i.e., increase the ratio of Jewish to
    non-Jewish citizens).
  • Setting aside the very serious legal and moral
    aspects of this issue, it is possible to analyze
    Israels realistic options with respect to
    populated land swaps.
  • Such an analysis shows that the inclusion of
    populated land would add at most 2.5 to the bank
    of land available for swaps.
  • Such an analysis also shows that populated land
    swaps would have a very limited impact on
    Israels demography, effecting at most around
    110,000-140,000 Israeli-Arabs or, in other
    words, about 10 of the 1.2 million
    Israeli-Arabs.
  • For a thorough analysis of the proposal,
    including legal aspects, visit http//www.fips.org
    .il/Fips/Site/System/UpLoadFiles/DGallery/Injustic
    e.pdf

22
Populated Land Swaps?
  • The Basic Map, showing
  • Israeli localities located near the Green Line
    (in blue)

23
Populated Land Swaps?
  • Where are we talking about?
  • Map of the northern border area of the West Bank,
    including the area inside Israel generally
    discussed in the context of populated land swaps.
  • Israeli localities located in close proximity to
    the Green Line (in blue)

24
Populated Land Swaps?
  • Who lives in the area?
  • The same map, this time distinguishing between
    Israeli-Jewish towns (blue) and Israeli-Arab
    towns (green).
  • Israel would not swap land that is home to Jewish
    Israelis, meaning that much of this area is not
    available for swaps.

25
Populated Land Swaps?
  • What else is there on the ground that limits
    swap options?
  • The same map, this time superimposing key
    Israeli infrastructure, in particular the
    Trans-Israel Road (in purple).
  • Israeli would not swap land that in any way
    impacts this vital transportation route, further
    limiting land available for swaps.

26
Populated Land Swaps?
  • What is there in the West Bank that limits swap
    options?
  • The same map, this time including settlement
    blocks (in bright blue) that Israel wants to keep
  • Israeli would not swap land that in located west
    of these blocks, further limiting swap options.

27
Populated Land Swaps?
  • What populated land is actually available for
    swaps?
  • Map showing (in red) the Arab-populated land
    inside Israel realistically available for swaps,
    taking into account the location of
    Israeli-Jewish localities inside Israel, key
    infrastructure, and settlement blocks.
  • In total, this area amount to at most 2.5 and
    140,000 people.

28
Conclusions
  • The territorial aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian
    conflict, like the other core issues, is
    resolvable.
  • As demonstrated, the sides could agree on a
    principle that will embody a fair and realistic
    arrangement, embodying
  • A core Palestinian need of establishing a
    state of an equivalent of 100 of pre-1967 areas
    (or 22 of Historic Palestine), and
  • Border modifications that on the one hand will
    allow the majority (about 75) of Israelis
    residing in the West Bank and East Jerusalem to
    remain in place, and on the other hand will
    include land swaps equal in size to an Israeli
    annexations.
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