Title: Mapping the IsraeliPalestinian Conflict
1Mapping the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Solution
Part 2 Land Swaps
Presented by S. Daniel Abrahams Center for
Middle East Peace Prepared by Dan Rothem In
collaboration with Lara Friedman
2Review Elements of the Classic Palestinian
Approach to Borders
- Since the Peel Commission, each historical
development has diminished the land under
Palestinian control and increased the land under
Jewish/Israeli control. - Recognition of the 1967 line as the legitimate
border and the basis of negotiations in
essence, Palestinian acceptance of Israel on 78
of the land of historic Palestine constitutes
an historic concession to Israel. - All Israeli settlement activity beyond the 1967
line violates international law, including in
East Jerusalem. - The West Bank and Gaza Strip must be considered a
single territorial unit and a safe passage must
be established to allow unimpeded movement
between them.
3Expected Palestinian Positions in Negotiations
- Any agreement must be based on the 1967 lines and
must refer explicitly to these lines. - The starting point of any agreement must be
recognition of the Palestinian claim to 100 of
the land of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, based
on the 1967 lines and constituting 22 of
historic Palestine. - The Palestinian concession regarding the
remaining 78 of historic Palestine represents
the final Palestinian position regarding the
amount of territory it will concede. - Any deviations from the 1967 lines must be
mutually agreed on and compensated by land swaps
that are equal in quantity and quality. - Such land swaps should be minimal (2 or less of
the total land area). - A safe passage route between the West Bank and
Gaza Strip must be established.
4Review Classic Israeli borders approach
- The 1967 lines have no legal standing and are not
sacred. - The fate of the territories will be resolved in
negotiations, without regard to prior claims by
the Palestinians. - Israeli interests require the annexation of
large, expanded settlement blocks and areas
around Jerusalem. - Israeli security requires a long-term presence in
all or part of the Jordan Valley.
5Expected Israeli Position in Negotiations
- Israel may accept the legitimacy of the 1967
lines, as mentioned in the Bush speech of 2002
and as referenced in the 2004 Israeli-US exchange
of letters (referred to as the 1949 Armistice
Line). - Israel will be prepared to make painful
compromises and evacuate many West Bank
settlements (with the route of the barrier as the
likely starting point), but will not compromise
on some land that it views as strategically vital
or that is home to large settler populations. - Land swaps will be considered, but not according
to a 11 ratio. - Safe passage between the West Bank and Gaza Strip
will not be viewed as a Palestinian entitlement
but rather as an Israeli concession that will be
used as negotiating leverage.
6Review Possible points of agreement on borders
A model formula Borders will be based on the
1967 lines with agreed-upon modifications that
will include land swaps equal in size (11) and
will take into consideration the parties
security and demographic interests while
maintaining territorial contiguity.
- Includes explicit reference to 1967 (as demanded
by the Palestinians) - Includes idea of modifications to 1967 borders
(as demanded by the Israelis) - Includes concept of 11 land swaps (as demanded
by the Palestinians) - Places no limitation on size of modifications and
swaps (as demanded by the Israelis)
7Focus on Land Swaps
- It is clear that Israel will seek to retain large
areas of the West Bank to accommodate settlement
blocs and for security purposes. - It is also clear that Palestinians will demand
that any land annexed by Israel must be agreed to
by the Palestinians and offset by land from
inside Israel, on the basis of 11 land swaps. - There is a rather finite and definable bank of
Israeli land available for such swaps,
representing a de facto limit on the percentage
of land that Israel can annex and swap. - This bank comprising land of varying quality,
is equal to approximately 8 of the West Bank.
8Basic Criteria for Land Swaps
- From an Israeli perspective, the land in question
should be - Not located near Israels narrow waist
- Free of Israeli vital infrastructure
- Not located west of settlement blocks that Israel
plans to annex - From a Palestinian perspective, the land in
question should be - In close proximity to the Green Line
- Of equal value (in terms of location, potential
for use) to the land for which it is being
swapped - Unresolved issues
- How do the sides determine exact value of land?
(this analysis measures value in terms of basic
agricultural use, but this is not the only
measure) - Can/should Israel include populated areas in land
swaps? - Can/should Israel include a West Bank-Gaza safe
passage in land swaps?
9Israels realistic land swap options
- The Basic Map, showing
- Just the 1967 lines (other details removed for
clarity)
10Israels realistic land swap options
- The basic map, showing
- Israeli localities located near the Green Line
(which act as a de facto limit on land that can
be swapped)
11Israels realistic land swap options
- The basic map, showing
- High- and medium-quality land available for swaps
(in light and dark green) totaling about 4.5
of land - Israeli localities located near the Green Line
(in blue)
12Israels realistic land swap options
- The basic map, showing
- High- and medium-quality land available for swaps
(in light and dark green) totaling about 4.5 - low-quality land available for swaps (in tan)
adding up to 3.5 (but land that the Palestinians
will likely not accept) - Israeli localities located near the Green Line
(in blue)
13Examining possible borders scenarios
- What could borders look like if the sides agree
to the model formula (1967 as basis, 11 swaps)? - The following three scenarios depict the room for
maneuver available to current negotiators, under
this formula - the Geneva Initiative (an unofficial
Israeli-Palestinian model peace agreement, which
assumes a 2.2 Israeli annexation) - the Israeli West Bank security barrier (the
actual route of the barrier on the ground and
approved by the Government of Israel, which
involves a de facto 8.7 Israeli annexation) - a barrier proposal by the Council for Peace and
Security (a highly-regarded non-governmental
organization which submitted its own proposal for
a unilateral barrier route that prescribes a de
facto 5.7 Israeli annexation) - While these maps are accurate, they are not
authoritative and are for illustrative purpose
only. In the latter two maps, land swaps have
been added for the sake of the analysis, based on
a good faith effort to represent the likely
demands and options of each side)
14Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Geneva Initiative Providing for a 2.2
Israeli annexation of the West Bank (settlement
blocks along the Green Line and around
Jerusalem), and 11 land swaps comprised of high-
and medium- value lands
15Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Geneva Initiative Providing for a 2.2
Israeli annexation of the West Bank (settlement
blocs along the Green Line and around Jerusalem),
and 11 land swaps comprised of high- and medium-
value land (shown here in the context of the full
map of Israel, to illustrate what this formula
would mean to both sides)
16Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Israeli Barrier Involving a de facto 8.7
Israeli annexation of the West Bank 11 land
swaps would require the Palestinians to accept a
large area of very low quality land (something
they are unlikely to accept)
17Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Israeli Barrier Involving a de facto 8.7
Israeli annexation of the West Bank11 land
swaps would require the Palestinians to accept a
large area of very low quality land (something
they are unlikely to accept) (shown here in the
context of the full map of Israel, to illustrate
what this formula would mean to both sides)
18Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Council for Peace and Security Barrier
Proposal Providing for a 5.7 Israeli annexation
of the West Bank 11 land swaps could be
achieved using mainly high- and medium-quality
land
19Borders options under the100 percent concept
The Council for Peace and Security Barrier
Proposal Providing for a 5.7 Israeli annexation
of the West Bank 11 land swaps could be achieved
using mainly high- and medium-quality land (shown
here in the context of the full map of Israel, to
illustrate what this formula would mean to both
sides)
20Some boring but important data
21Populated Land Swaps?
- There has been a great deal of debate in Israel
surrounding suggestions that Israel should
include areas inhabited by Israeli-Arabs
(Israelis citizens who are ethnically
Palestinian) in land swaps, with proponents
arguing that inclusion of populated land would
permit Israel to annex significantly more of the
West Bank, and that such land swaps would
significantly improve Israels demographic
balance (i.e., increase the ratio of Jewish to
non-Jewish citizens). - Setting aside the very serious legal and moral
aspects of this issue, it is possible to analyze
Israels realistic options with respect to
populated land swaps. - Such an analysis shows that the inclusion of
populated land would add at most 2.5 to the bank
of land available for swaps. - Such an analysis also shows that populated land
swaps would have a very limited impact on
Israels demography, effecting at most around
110,000-140,000 Israeli-Arabs or, in other
words, about 10 of the 1.2 million
Israeli-Arabs. - For a thorough analysis of the proposal,
including legal aspects, visit http//www.fips.org
.il/Fips/Site/System/UpLoadFiles/DGallery/Injustic
e.pdf
22Populated Land Swaps?
- The Basic Map, showing
- Israeli localities located near the Green Line
(in blue)
23Populated Land Swaps?
- Where are we talking about?
- Map of the northern border area of the West Bank,
including the area inside Israel generally
discussed in the context of populated land swaps.
- Israeli localities located in close proximity to
the Green Line (in blue)
24Populated Land Swaps?
- Who lives in the area?
- The same map, this time distinguishing between
Israeli-Jewish towns (blue) and Israeli-Arab
towns (green). - Israel would not swap land that is home to Jewish
Israelis, meaning that much of this area is not
available for swaps.
25Populated Land Swaps?
- What else is there on the ground that limits
swap options? - The same map, this time superimposing key
Israeli infrastructure, in particular the
Trans-Israel Road (in purple). - Israeli would not swap land that in any way
impacts this vital transportation route, further
limiting land available for swaps.
26Populated Land Swaps?
- What is there in the West Bank that limits swap
options? - The same map, this time including settlement
blocks (in bright blue) that Israel wants to keep - Israeli would not swap land that in located west
of these blocks, further limiting swap options.
27Populated Land Swaps?
- What populated land is actually available for
swaps? - Map showing (in red) the Arab-populated land
inside Israel realistically available for swaps,
taking into account the location of
Israeli-Jewish localities inside Israel, key
infrastructure, and settlement blocks. - In total, this area amount to at most 2.5 and
140,000 people.
28Conclusions
- The territorial aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, like the other core issues, is
resolvable. - As demonstrated, the sides could agree on a
principle that will embody a fair and realistic
arrangement, embodying - A core Palestinian need of establishing a
state of an equivalent of 100 of pre-1967 areas
(or 22 of Historic Palestine), and - Border modifications that on the one hand will
allow the majority (about 75) of Israelis
residing in the West Bank and East Jerusalem to
remain in place, and on the other hand will
include land swaps equal in size to an Israeli
annexations.