Conflicts in Southern Thailand Attacks on Human Rights - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

1 / 47
About This Presentation
Title:

Conflicts in Southern Thailand Attacks on Human Rights

Description:

– PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:242
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 48
Provided by: NEC74
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Conflicts in Southern Thailand Attacks on Human Rights


1
Conflicts in Southern ThailandAttacks on Human
Rights
  • Sunai Phasuk
  • Human Rights Watch
  • Asia Division

2
(No Transcript)
3
Map of Thailands Southern Border Provinces
4
(No Transcript)
5
New Face of Insurgent Violence
  • Thailands southern border provinces refer to
    Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat (togther with the
    four districts of SongkhlaChana, Thepa, Sabayoi
    and Nathawi) in which the majority of population
    are ethnic Malay-Muslims and speak local dialect
    of Malayu language. This region constituted
    independent Muslim sultanates before being
    annexed by Thailand (then Siam) in 1902.

6
  • To varying degrees, the southern border provinces
    have been the scene of separatist activity rooted
    in their distinctive religious, ethnic,
    linguistic, cultural and historical traits for
    more than a century.

7
  • Attempts by Thai authorities to suppress and
    assimilate those differences by various measures,
    as well as indifference towards the standard of
    living, the rule of law and justice in the
    southern border provinces have resulted in a
    general atmosphere of resentment and alienation
    among the ethnic Malay Muslim population.
  • This has provided the context for resistance and
    insurgency, based largely on three ideological
    foundationsnamely the belief in traditional
    virtues and the greatness of the Islamic Land of
    Patani (Patani Darussalam), the Malay ethnic
    identity and a religious orientation based on
    Islam.

8
  • During the past four years, Thailands southern
    border provinces have become the scene of
    unprecedented violence. Since the January 4, 2004
    raid on an army depot in Narathiwat, almost every
    day separatist militants carried out attacks.

9
  • Unlike the previous generation of separatist
    insurgency, which was characterized by armed
    conflicts between Thai authorities and separatist
    militants, now the daily scene of conflicts is
    right in the places where people live and work.
    People in the southern border provincesBuddhist
    Thais and ethnic Malay Muslimshave been caught
    up in the middle of violence.

10
  • In addition to attacks on security personnel,
    militant violence has clearly been directed
    against civilians and civilian targetswhich are
    protected under international humanitarian laws
    and customary practices in armed conflicts.

11
  • Of those 3,071 deaths and nearly 5,000 injuries
    (at the end of June 2008) since January 2004,
    most of the victims were civilians.
  • The civilian victims can be divided into two
    categoriesBuddhist Thais and ethnic Malay
    Muslims.

12
  • 1) Buddhist Thais civilians (including Buddhist
    monks and novices)whom separatist militants see
    as legitimate targets because they represent the
    occupation of Patani Darussalam by kafir
    (infidels). Sometimes, Buddhist Thais were
    targeted in retaliation to abuses of ethnic Malay
    Muslims by Thai officials. In these cases,
    leaflets stating the act of reprisal were often
    left next to the dead bodies. Victims are shot
    (both in indiscriminate drive-by shootings and
    targeted assassinations), hacked with machetes,
    burned to death, or blown up in bomb attacks.
    Their houses are torched, and fruit orchards and
    rubber plantations destroyed.

13
  • 2) Ethnic Malay Muslims who collaborate with
    Thai authorities, as well as those who oppose
    separatist militants. Separatist militants
    consider those ethnic Malay Muslims to be munafig
    (hypocrites) who have sided with the occupying
    infidels forces, and attacks against them are
    apparently meant as punishment and as a warning
    to others. In addition, these targets are seen as
    committing haram (forbidden sins) and violating
    what separatist militants call Islamic duty
    (wajib) to participate in the armed struggle for
    liberation. Victims are hacked or shot to death.
    Their houses and properties are destroyed.

14
Impacts of Violence
  • The use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) on
    civilians and civilian targetssuch as markets,
    commercial banks, restaurants, hotels, karaoke
    bars, gas stationshas particularly become one of
    the main insurgent tactics, with statistics
    showing clearly the intensity and lethality of
    these indiscriminate weapons.

15
  • Separatist militants also used IEDs, sometimes in
    combination with arson attacks and gun ambushes,
    to disrupt public transportation, communication
    network and power supply. Passenger vans and
    trains were ambushed. Train tracks were bombed or
    derailed. Mobile telephone cell sites were
    torched. Electricity lines and poles were
    destroyed with bombs and fire. Such attacks could
    paralyze the entire districts for days.

16
  • Separatist militants are also targeting both the
    Thai education system and Islamic education.
    Since January 2004, nearly 300 teachers, staff,
    and students from government schools have been
    murdered and injured in attacks carried out by
    separatist militants. At least 220 government
    schools (from the total 944) have been burned
    down over the past four years. Teachers were
    sometimes held as hostages in exchange for the
    release of separatist militants from government
    custody.

17
  • The lack of security has occasionally forced
    government schools in the entire province or
    district to close down. Then Prime Minister
    General Surayud acknowledged on June 18, 2007
    that the government could not guarantee school
    safety everywhere and that some schools might
    have to be closed indefinitely. Just before the
    beginning of new school term this year, more than
    300 teachers in Narathiwat requested emergency
    transfer out of the southern border provinces
    after separatist militants put up banners
    threatening to kill all government teachers in
    the province.

18
  • On the other hand, moderate owners and teachers
    of Islamic schools have also been pressured to
    agree with the radicalization of Islamic
    education as well. Parents have also been
    pressured (with death threats, assassinations,
    and bomb attacks) to move their children to study
    with religious schools and teachers within the
    umbrella of separatist groups.

19
  • Medical personnel affiliated with the government
    have also been targeted. At least 10 community
    health officers, and 30 public health volunteers
    have been killed since January 2004, and 12
    public health centers were bombed or set on fire.
    Against the backdrop of increasing violence, more
    and more Buddhist doctors and nurses are
    requesting to be transferred from the region.

20
  • Many Buddhist monks and novices in Pattani, Yala
    and Narathiwat were shot or hacked to death, or
    injured by roadside bombs, while they were
    collecting morning elms. Separatist militants
    also raided Buddhist temples and set fire on
    them.

21
The Actors and Their Motives
  • Influenced by the potent combination of ethnic
    Malay nationalism and Islamic extremism,
    BRN-Coordinate (Barisan Revolusi
    Nasional-Koordinas or National Revolutionary
    Front-Coordinate) has emerged as the backbone of
    the new generation of separatist militants in
    Thailands southern border provinces.

22
  • Over the period of quiet years (from the
    early1990s to the early 2000s) in the lead-up to
    the full-scale resurfacing of separatist violence
    in 2004, BRN-Coordinate has focused on
    strengthening its ideological, political and
    military foundations primarily through the
    network of religious teachers and schools using
    deep-rooted resentment toward abuses,
    exploitation, corruption and injustice of Thai
    officials as at the impetus for recuperating.

23
  • The resurgence and expansion of BRN-Coordinate
    has been focused on a distinctly Islamist
    nationalist platform to liberate Patani
    Darussalam (Islamic Land of Patani) from the
    occupying forces of Siamese kafir (referring to
    Buddhist Thais by their ancient name as
    infidels).

24
  • The BRN-Coordinates seven-step plan towards
    the liberation of Patani Darussalamwhich is now
    believed to be in step sixcan be summarized as
    followed
  • 1) Creating public awareness in Islam
    (religion), Malay (nationality) and Patani
    homeland, invasion/occupation by the Thai state
    and the struggle for independence

25
  • 2) Creating mass support through religious
    teaching at various levels, including tadika
    (Koranic elementary schools), ponoh (Islamic
    boarding schools), private Islamic colleges and
    provincial Islamic committees
  • 3) Setting up secretive organizational structure
  • 4) Recruiting and training of ethnic Malay
    Muslim youth to become militant, aiming to have
    3,000 strong well-trained and well-disciplined
    troops

26
  • 5) Building nationalist and independence
    struggle ideology among government officials of
    ethnic Malay Muslim origin and ethnic Malay
    Muslims of the southern border provinces who
    went to work in Malaysia
  • 6) Launching a new wave of attacks
  • 7) Declaring a revolution

27
  • The new generation of village-based separatist
    militants in the loose cell-like network of
    BRN-Coordinate call themselves as pejuang
    kemerdekaan Patani (Patani Freedom Fighters, or
    pejuang in short) and operate on ethnic and
    religious fault lines. The claim that the
    southern border provinces are not the land of
    Buddhist Thais, but a religious conflict
    territory (darul harbi).

28
  • In this context, every ethnic Malay Muslim must
    fight liberate their homeland from the occupation
    of infidelscoexistence between ethnic Malay
    Muslims and Buddhist Thais is impossible, and
    will not be tolerated.

29
  • Thai authorities estimated that BRN-Coordinate is
    active in about two-third of the 1,574 villages
    across the southern border provinces. The Police
    Forward Command in the southern border provinces
    estimated that there were five-men commando units
    of well-trained separatist militants (known by
    the title of their training course in tactics for
    small patrol unit as Runda Kumpulan Kecil or RKK)
    in 500 villages, while there were more than 4,000
    permuda (youth) members across Pattani, Yala,
    Narathiwat, and Songkhla.

30
  • However, the resurgence and expansion of
    BRN-Coordinate in the southern border provinces
    are not taking place without opposition from the
    ethnic Malay Muslim community or other separatist
    groups. Resistance and disagreement to the
    recruitment and other operations of
    BRN-Coordinate often resulted in persecution,
    including execution by shooting or hacking.

31
Failed Reconciliatory Attempts and Escalating
Violence
  • Then Prime Minister General Surayud acknowledged
    the insurgency as a pressing national crisis in
    his inaugural speech and noted that this problem
    is rooted primarily in injustice and inequality
    in the society.

32
  • However, the underlying ideology of the Thai
    state based on territorial integrity and the
    supremacy of Buddhism making the discussion of
    autonomy and the rights to self-determination for
    ethnic Malay Muslims in southern border provinces
    impossible even within the constitutional context.

33
  • The question of state-sanctioned abuses and
    impunityas evident in the Krue Se and Tak Bai
    incidents, as well as numerous allegations of
    arbitrary arrests, tortures, disappearances and
    extrajudicial killingshas depleted Thai
    authorities credibility to the point that it
    seems impossible for them to embark on any
    meaningful reconciliatory efforts.

34
  • More troops from both regular and volunteer
    forces are being deployed to face the growing
    challenge posed by separatist militants. But
    these troops are poorly supervised and
    disciplined, while being immune (by the Emergency
    Decree) to legal and disciplinary accountability.

35
  • Ethnic Malay Muslims have come to believe that
    the change of government does not lead to an
    opportunity for new policies. The bottom line is
    that ethnic Malay Muslims still have no access to
    justice amidst ongoing abuses and impunitya
    perception which has been reinforced by the
    governments decision to extend the enforcement
    of the Emergency Decree which gives the security
    forces blanket immunity from being held
    accountable to their misconducts and abusive
    behaviors.

36
  • The common scenes in the southern border
    provinces after each report of arrests or murders
    of ethnic Malay Muslims are that of angry
    villagers blocking the roads or gathering in
    front of a police station to demand for the
    release of suspects or the withdrawal of security
    units accused of being responsible for the
    killings. Separatist militants have sometimes
    left messages next to the bodies of Buddhist Thai
    victims shot, hacked or burned to death in
    revenge for the killings of ethnic Malay Muslims.

37
  • For almost three years, the army has been known
    for seeking to establish dialogues with various
    separatist militants with an aim to negotiate a
    political. However, this series of meetings could
    only engage leaders of GMP, PULO, BRN-Congress
    and Bersatu. All of them came from the previous
    generation of separatist militants, not the one
    responsible for the current violence.

38
  • Unsurprisingly, participants from those
    separatist groups were not able to answer to
    Thailands demands that they implemented a
    cease-fire as a show of good will and sign of
    command and control.

39
  • On the other hand, members of BRN-Coordinate are
    confident in their campaign of violence. They are
    not interested in the dialogue and could not
    accept the armys demands that separatist groups
    dropped their armed struggle for an independent
    Islamic state of Patani before entering to the
    dialogue.

40
  • BRN-Coordinate also warns that anyone in its
    ranks and files who may have expressed their
    willingness to settle for limited autonomy or
    special administrative arrangements under the
    Thai constitution will be treated as traitors and
    can be subject to severe punishment.  

41
  • Not only that they strongly rejected the dialogue
    proposal, separatist militants have stepped up
    the attacks targeting specifically on Buddhist
    Thaisboth civilians and government officials.
    These attacks have provoked anger from Buddhist
    Thais living in the southern border provinces and
    elsewhere in Thailand.

42
  • The bomb attacks at CS Pattani Hotel on March 15,
    2008 was more than a blunt message that that
    separatist militants were still capable of
    fighting back after suffering significant losses
    from counterinsurgency sweeps. They also wanted
    to show that no one and nowhere would be safe in
    this conflictnot even a neutral ground and a
    symbol of reconciliation like CS Pattani Hotel.

43
  • The recent surge of violence is a direct message
    rejecting of the televised end of insurgency
    announcement made by a group called Thailand
    United Southern Underground (TUSU)which claims
    to have 11 militant groups under its umbrella.
    Not only that TUSU does not exist in reality and
    its so-called leaders have fallen out from key
    positions in the separatist network for more than
    20 years, the end of insurgency is a serious
    violation of what BRN-Coordinate holds as its
    non-negotiable obligationthe armed struggle for
    liberation of the southern border provinces.

44
  • Thai security forces have responded to this trend
    in full force committing serious and widespread
    abuses against suspected militants and their
    supporters. Despite of the change of governments
    and many promises of justice, impunity for
    government abuses remains prevalent. Frustration,
    alienation, and anger in the ethnic Malay Muslim
    community has been further fuelled by the
    enforcement of security legislationswhich
    provide the security forces almost blanket
    immunity for criminal misconduct and human rights
    violations.

45
  • On the other hand, Buddhist Thais are also
    showing more contempt against the policy of
    reconciliationwhich they see as a sign of
    weakness, ineffectiveness and a concession to
    allow separatist militants to kill more Buddhist
    Thais. Such resistance has also been visible
    against any encouragement to the security forces
    to operate within due process of law and with
    respects of human rights.

46
  • There exist numerous reports that Buddhist
    Thaisincluding those serving in the security
    forcesare starting to resort to vigilante
    violence to defend themselves from separatist
    militants and seek revenge after each brutal
    attack by separatist militants.

47
  • This trend can easily set off a vicious cycle of
    reprisal attacks between Buddhist Thais and
    ethnic Malay Muslims making the already volatile
    situation in the southern border provinces more
    prone to escalating into communal violence.  
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com