Gender Relations, Housing Distress, and Persistent Poverty in Kentucky

1
Gender Relations, Housing Distress, and
Persistent Poverty in Kentucky

• Joanna M. Badagliacco, Ph.D.
• Department of Sociology
• Center for Poverty Research
• Appalachian Center
• University of Kentucky
• jmb_at_uky.edu

2
Social Construction of Family Homelessness

• National recognition recent decades that more
  families were experiencing homelessness
• Agenda to understand family homelessness in order
  to determine the causes and consequences if we
  expect to assist families
• I contend that we must question the definitions
  we use because our definitions are fraught with
  ideological issues
• What is family homelessness?
• Does categorization dismiss poverty?
• Thin line between the domiciled and undomiciled
  poor

3
Kentucky Demographics

• KY per capita personal income 22,183 (1998)
• 43rd in US and 82 of national average
• KY residents in poverty (2000 census)
• Children under age 18 21
• Persons 65 and older 10
• Families with no husband/father present
  children 5 years of younger 56

4
Persons in Poverty in Kentucky
Darker green higher level of poverty
5
Research Sites

• Persistent Poverty
• Mountainous
• Bleak economic picture
• Few jobs
• Inadequate education

6
Interviews

• Mothers who were in housing distress
• Total in-depth interviews to date 102 mothers in
  severe poverty, 16 had male partners who were
  also interviewed
• Ethnographic oral life histories
• Interviews in several counties of Kentucky
• Longitudinal attempts to follow mothers not very
  successful (yet!)

7
Understanding Rural Poverty and Homelessness

• Poverty and homelessness must be considered as
  process not as a crisis
• Often a temporal chain of events that pushes
  family to social marginalization, often making
  unrelenting poverty and/or homelessness a
  permanent condition
• My study childhood abuse as a major risk factor
  for homelessness of mothers

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Understanding Rural Poverty and Homelessness,
cont.

• Problem is not simply insufficient income or
  housing
• Wide-ranging heterogeneous life conditions
• Multiplicity of factors
• Family and kinship relationships
• Social and cultural environments of community
• Conditions for social integration
• Needs of particular family members based on
  household composition, age of children
• Opportunities for living-wage employment
• Physical and mental health of family

9
Demographics

• 27 years old (avg.)
• White (rural) Black (urban)
• 11 years of education (avg.)
• 2 or 3 children with mother currently
• High levels of domestic violence
• Partner relationships weak
• Income less than 10,000 annually
• Most receive(d) some social welfare, usually food
  stamps and medical cards for children, shelter,
  food bank, church voluntary services

10
Childhood Experiences
Percent Reporting
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Childhood Violence

• Overwhelming majority reported serious family
  distress as children violence, abandonment,
  neglect, sexual abuse
• Hear their voices...

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How to tell their stories?

• Mothers openly describe exceptionally difficult
  circumstances
• How can their stories be told in a way that does
  not victimize them again but still describes
  their situations?
• My current solution describe their courageous
  ability to survive poverty and familial distress
• Theoretical path that emerges gender relations

13
Housing Distress Continuum based on Gendered
Relationships
Housed Poor
Matrifocal
Patrifocal Sociofocal Religiofocal
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Strong Family, Kin, Community, Social Welfare ties
Mothers children
Matrifocal mothers see themselves as
responsible for future, working within system
Partners/fathers
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Matrifocal Mothers

• Fighter
• Less likely to be found in rural KY
• Sees herself as central to family, with or
  without male partner
• Fluid concept of family
• Expects to provide for her children by working
  and social services
• Strong ties with family and kin of origin
• Experiences distress as episodic, part of family
  poverty

16
Weaker Family, Kin, Community, Social Welfare ties
Male partner, father(s) as sole provider
Patrifocal mothers see males as sole providers
now and for the future.
Mothers
Children
17
Patrifocal Mothers

• Dependent
• Prevalent in Appalachia KY
• Male partner seen as essential
• Children important multiple fathers
• Traditional view of nuclear family
• Family and kin ties weaker and possibly violent
  and/or estranged
• Experiences distress as a crisis until male
  partner (current or future) rescues family
• Often had unrealistic plans for future

18
Very Weak Male, Family, Kin, Community ties
Welfare state becomes husband and provider
Sociofocal mothers women desire male providers
in whose absence the state provides through child
welfare.
Mothers
Children
19
Sociofocal Mothers

• Resigned
• Somewhat prevalent in Appalachia KY
• Family less stable, unlikely to remain intact
• Requires social intervention for children and
  self may be reluctant to accept help
• Male partner seen as essential but unreliable
• Weak partner, family, and kin ties, may be
  violent, estranged
• Experiences distress as a crisis until future
  male partner rescues family unrealistic plans

20
Weakest Family, Kin, Community, Social Welfare
ties
God or Jesus seen as good provider
Religiofocal women faith in religion, Jesus as
provider now and for the future
Mothers
Children
21
Religiofocal Mothers

• Fatalist
• Some mothers in Appalachia KY
• Family very unstable, unlikely to remain intact
  outside social system
• Jesus seen as only provider God will provide
  for future
• Children likely to be formally relinquished
• Male partner(s) rejected severed family, and kin
  ties
• Experiences distress as what God or Jesus
  wants for her and children accepts Gods will
  no plans for future

22
Rural Violence and Poverty

• Experience of rural women is complicated by
  particular structural, cultural, and economic
  factors that differ from the urban experience
• High poverty rates
• Jobs scarce
• Services unavailable or inadequate
• Community (public) visibility

23
Structural Factors

• Lack of transportation
• Few shelters
• Resources limited
• No place to go
• Housing distress

24
Cultural Factors

• Strong cultural norm of traditional family roles
• Kinfolk might be willing but unable to help
• Childhood violence

25
Economic Factors

• Decline in available jobs
• Only available work is service sector and low
  wage, few benefits
• Lack of Healthcare and Health Insurance
• Dependence upon social provisioning
• Unprepared for job market

26
The Link Between Violence Welfare

• Welfare is a valuable resource for women who are
  victims of family violence
• Past and current violence negatively impacts
  readiness for the job market and the ability to
  maintain employment
• Rural location adds important confounding
  influence

27
Policy Issues

• Policy issues are many, broad, and complex
• Policies and programs must address structural,
  community, family, and individual needs
• Examples
• Training for true economic self-sufficiency,
  e.g., living wages
• Conflict resolution
• Provision of child care
• Integration into larger community

28
Gender Relations, Housing Distress, and
Persistent Poverty in Kentucky

• Joanna M. Badagliacco, Ph.D.
• Department of Sociology
• Center for Poverty Research
• Appalachian Center
• University of Kentucky
• jmb_at_uky.edu