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Reporter: Tsai, YuYing

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Therefore, no branching casual chain is involved in 'They drank the pub dry. ... laugh, play, speak, walk, buzz, glow... bloom, rot, and deteriorate... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Reporter: Tsai, YuYing


1
Section 4, 5, and 6
  • Reporter Tsai, YuYing
  • 0941065
  • Instructor Dr. Wu

2
Section 4.Which argument of a transitive verb is
the result XP predicated of?
  • the casual chain
  • Talmy sets out a family of "force-dynamic"
    relations, relations which describe the
    interactions between two event participants with
    respect to force.

3
  • Croft (199053,1991173,269) proposed the
    force recipient in a transitive-based
    resultatives have some properties of the result
    XP predicated of it.
  • 1. a simple event is a segment of the casual
    network.
  • 2. simple events are nonbranching casual chains
  • 3. a simple event involves transmission of force
  • 4. transmission of force is asymmetric, with
    distinct participants as initiator and
    endpoint...

4
  • Tracy wipes the table clean.
  • i) the first with "clean" predicated of the
    object
  • Causal chain for "Tracy wipes the table
    clean."
  • ACT ON CHANGE
  • Tracy --------gt table --------gttable

5
  • ii) the second with "clean" predicated of the
    subject

6
  • A transitive-based resultative whose postverbal
    NP is not categorized by the verb.
  • ex They drank the pub dry.
  • Causal chain for "They drank the pub dry."
  • ACT ON CHANGE
  • they --------gt pub --------gtpub
  • We proposed that the transmission of force to
    an unspecified object is not represented in the
    casul chain. Therefore, no branching casual chain
    is involved in "They drank the pub dry."

7
  • Connexion The second member in a lexical
    SFsemantic form conjunction an event with
    more than one subevent specifies inferences
    about the first member.
  • In brief, the force recipient approach
    receives support from the observation that verbs
    whose objects are incremental themes, but not
    force recipient (e.g., memorize, study, read,
    sing) cannot appear with object-predicated result
    XPs.

8
Section 5. Verb distribution in nonsubcategorized
NP resultatives
  • Levin Rappaport Hovav(199590-8) propose
    there are two semantic subclasses of verbs
  • interally and externally caused verbs.

9
  • Interally caused verbs describe eventualities
  • that are conceptualized as arising from inherent
  • properties of the verb's argument.
  • ---gt laugh, play, speak, walk, buzz, glow...
  • bloom, rot, and deteriorate...
  • ---gt a single event structure

10
  • Externally caused verbs describe eventualities
  • conceptualized as being brought about by an
  • external cause with immediate control over the
  • eventuality.
  • ---gt break, close, thicken
  • ---gt a complex, causative event structure

11
Section 6. Conclusion
  • Why does DOR account for most of the
    resultative data? 3 reasons.
  • 1) The causative event structure assocaited with
    resultatives describing events that are not
    necessarily temporally dependent requires that
    two arguments be realized in the syntax,
    resulting in the introduction of a reflexive when
    the two subeventsshare an argument.

12
  • 2) Most transitive verbs describe events which
    involve the transmission of force and thus can
    only be found in subcategorized NP resultative
    constructions with object-predicated result XPs.

13
  • 3) These distributional facts concerning the NPs
    that result XPs are predicated of have
    constituted the strongest evidence for positing
    distinct syntactic classes of unaccusative and
    unergative verbs in English, a language that
    lacks the explicit morphosyntactic indicators of
    unaccusativity found in some Romance and Germanic
    languages
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