As a resident living in New Jersey

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As a resident living in New Jersey DO YOU
SUPPORT THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY?
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(No Transcript)
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Slavery was not a side show in America it was
the main event. James Horton
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Team 1 - 1861 The Free Laborer - James Laroe As
a free laborer working in a cotton mill in NJ, do
I support the abolition of slavery or the right
of the Southern states to continue to use slaves
as house servants and agricultural workers?
Discuss the documents and video clips in the
following slides in developing your teams
position.
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Team 2 The Free African American Worker
Anne Johnson
As a free African American working in a NJ cotton
mill, will you risk your life and freedom to
speak out against slavery?
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
6
Team 3 The Business Leader - Henry Prall
As a local business leader in NJ employing
African Americans in a cotton mill, will you
build a newfactory in New York City when it
secedes?
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
7
Team 4 The Political Leader - Gov. Charles Olden
As a local political leader in NJ you need to
take a stand on the right of states to determine
the legality of slavery.
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
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Team 1 - 1861 The Free Laborer James
Laroe As a free laborer working in a cotton mill
in NJ, do I support the abolition of slavery or
the right of the Southern states to continue to
use slaves as house servants and agricultural
workers?
Discuss the documents and video clips in the
following slides in developing your teams
position.
9
Team 1
How did the Missouri Compromise lead to the
expansion of slavery?
http//caho.columbia.edu/eseminars/0754/web/s1/ind
ex.html
How did the view of slavery change from being
part of Gods plan to that of a sin?
http//caho.columbia.edu/eseminars/0754/web/s2/ind
ex.html
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Team 1
Slaves obey your earthly masters with respect
and fear, and with sincerity of heart, just as
you would obey Christ. Obey them not only to win
their favor when their eye is on you, but like
slaves of Christ, doing the will of God from your
heart. Serve wholeheartedly, as if you were
serving the Lord, not men, because you know that
the Lord will reward everyone for whatever good
he does, whether he is slave or free. And
masters, treat your slaves the same way. Do not
threaten them, since you know that he who is both
Lord and master and yours is in heaven, and there
is no favoritism with him. (Ephesians 65-9)
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Team 1
Election Results 1860
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Slavery a Positive Good Primary source
John C. Calhoun, "Slavery a Positive Good,"
speech to U.S. Senate, 1837. However sound the
great body of the non-slaveholding States are at
present, in the course of a few years they will
be succeeded by those who will have been taught
to hate the people and institutions of nearly
one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly
than one hostile nation ever entertained towards
another. It is easy to see the end. By the
necessary course of events, if left to
themselves, we must become, finally, two people.
It is impossible under the deadly hatred which
must spring up between the two great nations, if
the present causes are permitted to operate
unchecked, that we should continue under the same
political system. The conflicting elements would
burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the
links which hold it together. Abolition and the
Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union
I openly proclaim it,- and the sooner it is known
the better. The former may now be controlled, but
in a short time it will be beyond the power of
man to arrest the course of events. We of the
South will not, cannot, surrender our
institutions. To maintain the existing relations
between the two races, inhabiting that section of
the Union, is indispensable to the peace and
happiness of both. It cannot be subverted without
drenching the country or the other of the
races. . . . But let me not be understood as
admitting, even by implication, that the existing
relations between the two races in the
slaveholding States is an evil - far otherwise
I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved
itself to be to both, and will continue to prove
so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of
abolition. I appeal to facts. Never before has
the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn
of history to the present day, attained a
condition so civilized and so improved, not only
physically, but morally and intellectually. I
hold then, that there never has yet existed a
wealthy and civilized society in which one
portion of the community did not, in point of
fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and
general as is this assertion, it is fully borne
out by history. . . .  John C. Calhoun, "Speech
on Slavery," U.S. Senate, Congressional Globe,
24th Congress, 2nd Sess (Feb. 6, 1837), 15759.
Team 1
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Harriet Jacobs Team 1
DURING the first years of my service in Dr.
Flint's family, I was accustomed to share some
indulgences with the children of my mistress.
Though this seemed to me no more than right, I
was grateful for it, and tried to merit the
kindness by the faithful discharge of my duties.
But I now entered on my fifteenth year--a sad
epoch in the life of a slave girl. My master
began to whisper foul words in my ear. Young as I
was, I could not remain ignorant of their import.
I tried to treat them with indifference or
contempt. The master's age, my extreme youth, and
the fear that his conduct would be reported to my
grandmother, made him bear this treatment for
many months. He was a crafty man, and resorted to
many means to accomplish his purposes. Sometimes
he had stormy, terrific ways, that made his
victims tremble sometimes he assumed a
gentleness that he thought must surely subdue. Of
the two, I preferred his stormy moods, although
they left me trembling. He tried his utmost to
corrupt the pure principles my grandmother had
instilled. He peopled my young mind with unclean
images, such as only a vile monster could think
of. I turned from him with disgust and hatred.
But he was my master. I was compelled to live
under the same roof with him--where I saw a man
forty years my senior daily violating the most
sacred commandments of nature. He told me I was
his property that I must be subject to his will
in all things. My soul revolted against the mean
tyranny. But where could I turn for protection?
No matter whether the slave girl be as black as
ebony or as fair as her mistress. In either case,
there is no shadow of law to protect her from
insult, from violence, or even from death all
these are inflicted by fiends who bear the shape
of men. The mistress, who ought to protect the
helpless victim, has no other feelings towards
her but those of jealousy and rage. Harriett
Jacobs
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Team 1
Assenting to the "self-evident truth" maintained
in the American Declaration of Independence,
"that all men are created equal, and endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights
among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness," I shall strenuously contend for the
immediate enfranchisement of our slave
population. In Park-street Church, on the Fourth
of July, 1829, in an address on slavery, I
unreflectingly assented to the popular but
pernicious doctrine of gradual abolition. I seize
this opportunity to make a full and unequivocal
recantation, and thus publicly to ask pardon of
my God, of my country, and of my brethren the
poor slaves, for having uttered a sentiment so
full of timidity, injustice and absurdity.
William Lloyd Garrison, Jan. 1831
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Team 1
Wage Slavery Historian Margaret Washington
Discusses Wage Slavery When northerners
criticized southerners for owning enslaved
people, southern intellectuals had an answer for
them. They had developed an entire philosophy and
the most significant component of this was a man
named George Fitzhugh. And Fitzhugh's argument
with something like this, an enslaved person was,
from the time that they were born until the time
that they died were taken care of. When they were
young they didn't have to work, and yet they were
fed. When they were older, although they labored,
they had food provided for them, they had
shelter, they had clothing. When they were ill
they were taken care of. When they were old and
decrepit they were taken care of. So the system,
even though the system extracted labor from them,
the system took care of them throughout their
lives.In the North, Fitzhugh argued, on the
contrary. A northern worker was employed as a
child, so they experienced child labor. They were
not paid for their livelihood at a descent wage.
They were also not paid for their rent. They were
not given food. They had to take all of the money
that they got from their labor and use that for
livelihood which the slaves did not.
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Team 2 The Free African American Worker
Anne Johnson
As a free African American working in a NJ cotton
mill, will you risk your life and freedom to
speak out against slavery?
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
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Team 2 The Freed Slave
Aunt Hester had not only disobeyed his orders in
going out, but had been found in company with
Lloyd's Ned which circumstance, I found, from
what he said while whipping her, was the chief
offence. Had he been a man of pure morals
himself, he might have been thought interested in
protecting the innocence of my aunt but those
who knew him will not suspect him of any such
virtue. Before he commenced whipping Aunt Hester,
he took her into the kitchen, and stripped her
from neck to waist, leaving her neck, shoulders,
and back, entirely naked. He then told her to
cross her hands, calling her at the same time a
dd b-h. After crossing her hands, he tied them
with a strong rope, and led her to a stool under
a large hook in the joist, put in for the
purpose. He made her get upon the stool, and tied
her hands to the hook. She now stood fair for his
infernal purpose. Her arms were stretched up at
their full length, so that she stood upon the
ends of her toes. He then said to her, "Now, you
dd b-h, I'll learn you how to disobey my
orders!" and after rolling up his sleeves, he
commenced to lay on the heavy cowskin, and soon
the warm, red blood (amid heart-rending shrieks
from her, and horrid oaths from him) came
dripping to the floor. I was so terrified and
horror-stricken at the sight, that I hid myself
in a closet, and dared not venture out till long
after the bloody transaction was over. I expected
it would be my turn next. It was all new to me. I
had never seen any thing like it before.
Frederick Douglass. Narrative of the Life of
Frederick Douglass, An American Slave, Written by
Himself, (Boston Anti-Slavery Office, 1845)
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Team 2
My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American
slavery. I shall see this day and its popular
characteristics from the slave's point of view.
Standing there identified with the American
bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not
hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the
character and conduct of this nation never looked
blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether
we turn to the declarations of the past, or to
the professions of the present, the conduct of
the nation seems equally hideous and revolting.
America is false to the past, false to the
present, and solemnly binds herself to be false
to the future. Standing with God and the crushed
and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in
the name of humanity which is outraged, in the
name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of
the constitution and the Bible which are
disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in
question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I
can command, everything that serves to perpetuate
slavery the great sin and shame of America! "I
will not equivocate I will not excuse" I will
use the severest language I can command and yet
not one word shall escape me that any man, whose
judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is
not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to
be right and just. Frederick Douglass. The
Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro. July 5,
1852.
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Team 2
Would you support the Underground Railroad?
http//www.phillyburbs.com/undergroundrailroad/NJr
outes.shtml
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Richard Toler, Cincinnati, Ohio
Team 2
Lynchburg in Campbell County. Mah pappy was a
slave befo' me, and mah mammy, too. His name was
George Washington Tolah, and her'n was Lucy
Tolah. We took ouah name from ouah ownah, and we
lived in a cabin way back of the big house, me
and mah pappy and mammy and two brothahs. "They
nevah mistreated me, neithah. They's a whipping
the slaves all the time, but ah run away all the
time. And I jus' tell them - if they whipped me,
ah'd kill 'em, and ah nevah did get a whippin'.
If ah thought one was comin' to me, Ah'd hide in
the woods then they'd send aftah me and they
say, 'Come, on back, - we won't whip you'. But
they killed some of the niggahs, whipped 'em to
death. Ah guess they killed three or fo' on
Tolah's place while ah was there. "Ah never went
to school. Learned to read and write my name
after ah was free in night school, but they nevah
allowed us to have a book in ouah hand, and we
couldn't have no money neither. If we had money
we had to tu'n it ovah to ouah ownah. Chu'ch was
not allowed in ouah pa't neithah. Ah go to the
Meth'dist Chu'ch now, everybody ought to go. I
think RELIGION MUST BE FINE, 'CAUSE GOD
ALMIGHTY'S AT THE HEAD OF IT."
21
Harriet Jacobs Team 2
DURING the first years of my service in Dr.
Flint's family, I was accustomed to share some
indulgences with the children of my mistress.
Though this seemed to me no more than right, I
was grateful for it, and tried to merit the
kindness by the faithful discharge of my duties.
But I now entered on my fifteenth year--a sad
epoch in the life of a slave girl. My master
began to whisper foul words in my ear. Young as I
was, I could not remain ignorant of their import.
I tried to treat them with indifference or
contempt. The master's age, my extreme youth, and
the fear that his conduct would be reported to my
grandmother, made him bear this treatment for
many months. He was a crafty man, and resorted to
many means to accomplish his purposes. Sometimes
he had stormy, terrific ways, that made his
victims tremble sometimes he assumed a
gentleness that he thought must surely subdue. Of
the two, I preferred his stormy moods, although
they left me trembling. He tried his utmost to
corrupt the pure principles my grandmother had
instilled. He peopled my young mind with unclean
images, such as only a vile monster could think
of. I turned from him with disgust and hatred.
But he was my master. I was compelled to live
under the same roof with him--where I saw a man
forty years my senior daily violating the most
sacred commandments of nature. He told me I was
his property that I must be subject to his will
in all things. My soul revolted against the mean
tyranny. But where could I turn for protection?
No matter whether the slave girl be as black as
ebony or as fair as her mistress. In either case,
there is no shadow of law to protect her from
insult, from violence, or even from death all
these are inflicted by fiends who bear the shape
of men. The mistress, who ought to protect the
helpless victim, has no other feelings towards
her but those of jealousy and rage. Harriett
Jacobs
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Harriet Jacobs Team 2
How I dreaded my master now! Every minute I
expected to be summoned to his presence but the
day passed, and I heard nothing from him. The
next morning, a message was brought to me
"Master wants you in his study." I found the door
ajar, and I stood a moment gazing at the hateful
man who claimed a right to rule me, body and
soul. I entered, and tried to appear calm. I did
not want him to know how my heart was bleeding.
He looked fixedly at me, with an expression which
seemed to say, I have half a mind to kill you on
the spot." At last he broke the silence, and that
was a relief to both of us. "So you want to be
married, do you?" said he, "and to a free
nigger." "Yes, sir. "Do you love this
nigger?" said he, abruptly. "Yes, sir." "How
dare you tell me so!" he exclaimed, in great
wrath. After a slight pause, he added, "I
supposed you thought more of yourself that you
felt above the insults of such puppies. " I
replied, "If he is a puppy I am a puppy, for we
are both of the negro race. It is right and
honorable for us to love each other. The man you
call a puppy never insulted me, sir and he would
not love me if he did not believe me to be a
virtuous woman." He sprang upon me like a
tiger, and gave me a stunning blow. It was the
first time he had ever struck me and fear did
not enable me to control my anger. When I had
recovered a little from the effects, I exclaimed,
"You have struck me for answering you honestly.
How I despise you!"
23
Team 2
A communication by email from Scott D. Peters,
Research Director/Archivist, Ocean County
Historical Society Dr. Rosencranz(sic) earned
538...that translates, roughly, to 1.75 a day. 
At the time, the Trade Unions were demanding a 2
a day wage for skilled labor....Since a typical
work week was 6 days, that translates into 12 a
week x 52 weeks 624 per year....At the same
time...James P. Smith, Manager of Howell
Works...was likely earning between 1500 and
2500 per year.  Compared to the average
journeyman mechanic...who earned a more typical
1.25 to 1.50 per day, Dr. Rosencranzs income
is about equal to a trades foreman.  Other
figures for Monmouth County during the period
1830-1850 show average wages for unskilled and
basic farm laborers to range from 0.35 to 1.00
and skilled labor from 0.75 to 1.50....
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Team 2
African Americans at The Hermitage
Charick Rosencrantz, age 35 Marianne Rosencrantz,
age 35 Jane Rosengrant, age 18 Thomas, age
24 Benjamin, age 22 John, age 2 Nancy Kipp Anne
Johnson Fanny Johnson
Listen to the story of Katie Darling http//www.sl
averyinamerica.org/narratives/nar_kdarling.htm
http//www.thehermitage.org/rosencrantz_text.html
- 15
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Team 3 The Business Leader Henry Prall
As a local business leader in NJ employing
African Americans in a cotton mill, will you
build a newfactory in New York City when it
secedes?
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
26
Team 3
VI.3 Slavery A Business Necessity Now let's
look at it from the New York perspective. When
an abolitionist was going to speak in New York or
Boston or Philadelphia, there often would be a
riot, because these people were troublemakers.
They were going to shake up the status quo. They
wanted to change the whole economy. They wanted
to free the slaves anywhere and everywhere, and
right away. One New York businessman before the
Civil War told an abolitionist, and it's a very
revealing quote, "We are not such fools as not to
know that slavery is a great evil, a great wrong,
but the founders of our republic consented to it.
A great portion of the property of the
Southerners is invested under its sanction, and
the business of the North as well as the South
has become adjusted to slavery. There are
millions upon millions of dollars due from
Southerners to the merchants and mechanics of
this city alone, the payment of which would be
jeopardized by any rupture between the North and
the South. We can not afford, sir, to let you and
your associates succeed in your endeavor to
overthrow slavery. It is not a matter of
principle with us, it is a matter of business
necessity. We mean, sir, to put you abolitionists
down by fair means if we can, by foul means if we
must." Now that's a very revealing comment, and
let's think about what he says in the middle of
that quote, which is nasty in the extreme. He
says, "There are millions upon millions of
dollars due from Southerners to the merchants and
mechanics of this city alone, the payment of
which would be jeopardized by any rupture." That
speaks to the heart of it. It was not a moral
issue. It was a financial issue. New York then,
as now, was a creditor city. Farmers are mostly
debtors, they owe money to other people. New York
is a financial and business center, that means
not only does it have its big banks that lend
money out, but its merchants let's say are
selling a boatload of shoes to New Orleans or
Mobile. Then, as now, you don't pay for the shoes
until you get them, often sixty or ninety days
later, it's called sixty or ninetyday paper. So
there's a delay in payment. So New Yorkers
extended credit and were creditors.
27
Team 3
Table 1 U.S. Production of All Types of Raw
Cotton, 1790-1860 Year Pounds 1790
1,567,000 1800 36,572,500 1805
73,145,000 1810 88,819,000 1820
167,189,000 1830 365,726,000 1840
673,116,000 1845 902,111,500 1850 1,066,925,500
1855 1,608,708,500 1860 1,918,701,000 Source
Adapted from Table 2 in William H. Phillips,
Cotton Gin, EH.Net Encyclopedia
28
Team 3
VI.2 Bitter Rivals But when we think about the
Civil War, realize that New York was driven less
by a principle and more by the desire to keep
things going as they had been. So when South
Carolina decides to secede from the United
States, followed by ultimately ten other states,
the Mayor of the City of New York, Fernando Wood,
suggests that New York secede from the United
States too. The Mayor, and many prominent
businessmen suggest this not to become part of
the Confederacy but to become a free and
independent city that could trade with both the
Union and the Confederacy. Now why would he do
this? Well, first of all you need to think about
New York's connections to the rest of the country
and its dominance of the carrying trade. As New
York grew and prospered in the first half of the
19th Century, many people were bitter about it.
Let me quote from a Norfolk, Virginia
newspaper, The Norfolk Beacon, in the middle of
the 1830s, complaining about the very growth and
prosperity of New York. "Instead of being what
its geographical position entitles it to be, the
great southern seaport, Norfolk is reduced to the
humiliating condition of waiting on the pampered
aristocracy of New York. In other days Norfolk
was a large exporting and importing port, but
now, since the concentration of capital in New
York, Norfolk has become a hewer of wood and
drawer of water to the lordly merchants of the
northern city. New York imports for the whole
South and we, the consumers, not only pay the
duty but the commissions of her merchants, like
the freight and insurance on the transshipment
coastwise. Without foreign commerce Norfolk must
dwindle to a village, and Virginia sink to the
lowest scale in the union, while New York,
vampirelike is sucking her blood to the last
drop." Well, that tells us one thing, New Yorkers
were serious about money.
29
Team 3 Slavery a Positive
Good Primary source John C. Calhoun, "Slavery
a Positive Good," speech to U.S. Senate, 1837.
However sound the great body of the
non-slaveholding States are at present, in the
course of a few years they will be succeeded by
those who will have been taught to hate the
people and institutions of nearly one-half of
this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one
hostile nation ever entertained towards another.
It is easy to see the end. By the necessary
course of events, if left to themselves, we must
become, finally, two people. It is impossible
under the deadly hatred which must spring up
between the two great nations, if the present
causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that
we should continue under the same political
system. The conflicting elements would burst the
Union asunder, powerful as are the links which
hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot
coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly
proclaim it,- and the sooner it is known the
better. The former may now be controlled, but in
a short time it will be beyond the power of man
to arrest the course of events. We of the South
will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To
maintain the existing relations between the two
races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is
indispensable to the peace and happiness of both.
It cannot be subverted without drenching the
country or the other of the races. . . . But let
me not be understood as admitting, even by
implication, that the existing relations between
the two races in the slaveholding States is an
evil - far otherwise I hold it to be a good, as
it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and
will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the
fell spirit of abolition. I appeal to facts.
Never before has the black race of Central
Africa, from the dawn of history to the present
day, attained a condition so civilized and so
improved, not only physically, but morally and
intellectually. I hold then, that there never
has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society
in which one portion of the community did not, in
point of fact, live on the labor of the other.
Broad and general as is this assertion, it is
fully borne out by history. . . .  John C.
Calhoun, "Speech on Slavery," U.S. Senate,
Congressional Globe, 24th Congress, 2nd Sess
(Feb. 6, 1837), 15759.
30
Mayor Woods Recommendation of the Secession of
New York City Mayor Wood January 6, 1861 To
the Honorable the Common Council GENTLEMEN We
are entering upon the public duties of the year
under circumstances as unprecedented as they are
gloomy and painful to contemplate. The great
trading and producing interests of not only the
city of New York, but of the entire country, are
prostrated by a monetary crisis and although
similar calamities have before befallen us, it is
the first time that they have emanated from
causes having no other origin than that which may
be traced to political disturbances. Much, no
doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and
policy of a separation. It may be said that
secession or revolution in any of the United
States would be subversive of all Federal
authority, and, so far as the Central Government
is concerned, the resolving of the community into
its original elements that, if part of the
States form new combinations and Governments,
other States may do the same. California and her
sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an
independent Republic and husband their own rich
mineral resources. The Western States, equally
rich in cereals and other agricultural products,
will probably do the same. Then it may be said,
why should not New York city, instead of
supporting by her contributions in revenue
twothirds of the expenses of the United States,
become also equally independent? As a free city,
with but nominal duty on imports, her local
Government could be supported without taxation
upon her people. Thus we could live free from
taxes, and have cheap goods nearly duty free. In
this she would have the whole and united support
of the Southern States, as well as all the other
States to whose interests and rights under the
Constitution she has always been true.
Team 3
31
Team 3
Pro Slavery Images Why are these images
considered to support slavery?
http//www.caho.columbia.edu/ps/10159.html
32
Team 4 The Political Leader Gov. Charles Olden
As a local political leader in NJ you need to
take a stand on the right of states to determine
the legality of slavery.
Discuss the documents in the following slides in
developing your teams position.
33
Team 4 Local Political Leader
New Jersey, like other northern states, replaced
outright slavery with stricter controls of free
blacks. Black voters were disenfranchsed by an
1807 state law that limited the franchise to
"free, white male" citizens. In 1830, of the
3,568 Northern blacks who remained slaves, more
than two-thirds were in New Jersey. The
institution was rapidly declining in the 1830s,
but not until 1846 was slavery permanently
abolished. At the start of the Civil War, New
Jersey citizens owned 18 "apprentices for life"
(the federal census listed them as "slaves") --
legal slaves by any name. "New Jersey's
emancipation law carefully protected existing
property rights. No one lost a single slave, and
the right to the services of young Negroes was
fully protected. Moreover, the courts ruled that
the right was a 'species of property,'
transferable 'from one citizen to another like
other personal property.' "10 Thus "New Jersey
retained slaveholding without technically
remaining a slave state."11 Nancy Shakir.
http//www.slavenorth.com/slavenorth.htm
34
Team 4
FOR SALE   A Negro Woman,
about 35 years old,
healthy, sober and honest, and understands all
kinds of housework,
will be sold with or without her child, a boy of
two years old.   This
advertisement, in a Trenton newspaper on December
notices appearing in periodicals all over New
Jersey during the early 19th century. It was no
rare occurrence to have slave mothers separated
from their children.   By 1826, New Jersey
passed legislation that authorized the return of
fugitive slaves to their owners from other states
residing or apprehended in New Jersey. In 1846,
New Jersey set down into law its second abolition
law. This law would now eliminate apprenticeships
for all black children born after its passage and
although formally outlawing slavery, makes the
states remaining slaves (all of then elderly
persons) "apprentices" for like, which is another
form of slavery.
35
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Table 1 U.S. Production of All Types of Raw
Cotton, 1790-1860 Year Pounds 1790
1,567,000 1800 36,572,500 1805
73,145,000 1810 88,819,000 1820
167,189,000 1830 365,726,000 1840
673,116,000 1845 902,111,500 1850 1,066,925,500
1855 1,608,708,500 1860 1,918,701,000 Source
Adapted from Table 2 in William H. Phillips,
Cotton Gin, EH.Net Encyclopedia
36
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Gov. Charles Smith Olden Jan. 15, 1860 - Jan. 20,
1863
In his inaugural address on January 17, 1860,
Governor Olden said each state had the exclusive
independent control of its domestic policy and
that slavery was exclusively and eminently a
matter of domestic policy, to be controlled by
each state for itself.
37
Table 3 Population of the South
1790-1860 Year Free White Population Slave
Population 1790 1,240,454 654,121 1800 1,691,
892 851,532 1810 2,118,144 1,103,700 1820 2
,867,454 1,509,904 1830 3,614,600 1,983,860 18
40 4,601,873 2,481,390 1850 6,184,477 3,200,36
4 1860 8,036,700 3,950,511 Source Historical
Statistics of the United States (1970)
Team 4
38
Mayor Woods Recommendation of the Secession of
New York City Mayor Wood January 6, 1861 To
the Honorable the Common Council GENTLEMEN We
are entering upon the public duties of the year
under circumstances as unprecedented as they are
gloomy and painful to contemplate. The great
trading and producing interests of not only the
city of New York, but of the entire country, are
prostrated by a monetary crisis and although
similar calamities have before befallen us, it is
the first time that they have emanated from
causes having no other origin than that which may
be traced to political disturbances. Much, no
doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and
policy of a separation. It may be said that
secession or revolution in any of the United
States would be subversive of all Federal
authority, and, so far as the Central Government
is concerned, the resolving of the community into
its original elements that, if part of the
States form new combinations and Governments,
other States may do the same. California and her
sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an
independent Republic and husband their own rich
mineral resources. The Western States, equally
rich in cereals and other agricultural products,
will probably do the same. Then it may be said,
why should not New York city, instead of
supporting by her contributions in revenue
twothirds of the expenses of the United States,
become also equally independent? As a free city,
with but nominal duty on imports, her local
Government could be supported without taxation
upon her people. Thus we could live free from
taxes, and have cheap goods nearly duty free. In
this she would have the whole and united support
of the Southern States, as well as all the other
States to whose interests and rights under the
Constitution she has always been true.
Team 4