Title: CLEFTS
1CLEFTS EQUATIVESInformation Structure and
Word Order Variation
2Introduction
- Clefts and equatives
- Clefts consist of a cleft clause and a clefted
constituent. (Its Chris who I like.) - Equatives consist of two DPs and a copula. (Im
the cheeseburger.) - Hedberg and Faddens (2007) analysis of clefts
- Two related canonical-word-order constructions
with marked information structure
3Hedberg Fadden (2007)
- Three types of clefts
- It-clefts (Its peace that we want.)
- Wh-clefts (What we want is peace.)
- Reverse wh-clefts (Peace is what we want.)
- (Theres also a 4th type th-clefts tbd.)
4Hedberg Fadden (2007)
- Findings
- Wh-clefts are more constrained than either
it-clefts or reverse wh-clefts. - The cleft clause in a wh-cleft always represents
the topic of the sentence, while the cleft
constituent always represents the focus
(topic-comment structure).
5Hedberg Fadden (2007)
- Findings, cont.
- The clefted constituents of it-clefts and reverse
wh-clefts are less constrained, with the clefted
constituent and the cleft clause free to
represent either the topic or focus of the
utterance (topic-comment or comment-topic
structure).
6Canonical Word Order
- So far, we have focused on constructions that
employ noncanonical word order as the basis for
identifying the markedness of those
constructions. However, word order is not the
only indicator of a marked construction. - Two copular constructions in English whose marked
information status does not derive from word
order variation DEFERRED EQUATIVES and EPISTEMIC
WOULD EQUATIVES.
7Examples
- context Server at Thai restaurant to group of
customers - A Who ordered the Pad Thai and who ordered the
Nam Sod? - B Im the Pad Thai.
- OP X CORRESPONDS TO Y
- A What did Chris order?
- B That would be the Pad Thai.
- OP CHRIS ORDERED X
8Claims
- Both types are focus-presupposition
constructions, requiring a salient OPEN
PROPOSITION for felicity. - They differ in the number of OP variables being
instantiated as foci. - The two arguments of deferred equatives
correspond to the two instantiations of the OP
(Ward 04), while the post-copular constituent of
epistemic would equatives corresponds to the
unique variable of the OP (Birner, Kaplan, Ward
07). - The constructions formally mark a salient OP yet
what marks them so is not word order.
9Part I Epistemic Would Equatives
- Claim Functionally, use of an epistemic would
equative - conveys a speakers strong commitment to the
truth of the proposition expressed - marks the postverbal constituent as the focus of
a contextually salient OP.
10Some Naturally-Occurring Data
- Dad Uh Whos that boy hanging out in our
- front yard, Danae?
- Danae That would be Jeffrey, my
not-so-secret - admirer.
- Non Sequitur comic, Chicago Tribune, Sunday,
3/3/02, sec. 9, p. 3 - Q Can you tell us if you recognize this
clothing? - A That would be our standard attire,
correct. - Simpson transcripts, 2/7/95
- I need to talk to Andy to see if hes interested
in going to a departure lunch for a Zenith
employee this Friday at Little Villa the
employee would be myself. - message left on BBs answering machine, 9/21/00
11Epistemic Would Equatives and Epistemic Modality
- Epistemic modality marks the speakers estimation
of the likelihood that a certain state of affairs
is true (or false) in the context of the possible
world under consideration (Nuyts 2001). - Previous accounts of epistemic would
- Perkins (1983) and Palmer (1990) conveys
tentativeness - Coates (1983) indicates predictability
- Sweetser (1982) is part of an implicit
conditional with a suppressed antecedent.
12Epistemic Would Equatives and Epistemic Modality
- Empirical evidence Ward et al. (in prep.) show
that subjects are significantly more likely to
rate epistemic would utterances (e.g. That would
be Chris) presented aurally (but not visually!)
as conveying certainty than the corresponding
utterances with main verb be alone (e.g. Thats
Chris). - Of all the epistemic modals, would conveys the
strongest degree of speaker commitment - That would be Jeffrey.
- That must/should be Jeffrey.
13Epistemic Would Equatives and Epistemic Modality
- In a corpus of 246 tokens
- 79 have pronominal demonstrative that as subject
- full lexical NPs are possible, e.g., The best
teacher at the Institute would be Chris). - 98 contain the copula be
- other intransitive verbs are possible, e.g., go,
belong, correspond to (Those would go in the top
drawer).
14Epistemic Would Equatives and Epistemic Modality
- Empirical evidence Ward et al. (in prep.) show
that subjects are significantly more likely to
rate epistemic would utterances (e.g. That would
be Chris) presented aurally (but not visually!)
as conveying certainty than the corresponding
utterances with main verb be alone (e.g. Thats
Chris). - Of all the epistemic modals, would conveys the
strongest degree of speaker commitment - That would be Jeffrey.
- That must/should be Jeffrey.
15Epistemic Would and OPs
- Claim Epistemic would equatives require a
salient OP for felicity. - Recall the initial examples
- Dad Uh Whos that boy hanging out in our front
yard, Danae? - Danae That would be Jeffrey, my not-so-secret
admirer. - OP THE BOY HANGING OUT IN THE FRONT YARD IS X.
16Epistemic Would and OPs
- Q Can you tell us if you recognize this
clothing? - A That would be our standard attire,
correct. - OP THE CLOTHING IS X.
17Epistemic Would and OPs
- In the absence of a salient OP, only epistemic
would is infelicitous. - context Speaker picks up an envelope with the
hearer not attending to the event - This would be my new VISA card.
- This must/should be my new VISA card.
- This might/could be my new VISA card.
18Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- Claim The combination of a salient OP and the
equative construction produces the possibility
of - using a demonstrative subject to refer
deictically to the instantiation of the variable
of the OP, and - identifying it, via the equative construction,
with its postcopular focus.
19Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- A (holding cup) Whose is this?
- B That would be my son. My youngest
- son, to be exact. conversation,
2/4/01 -
- OP THIS CUP BELONGS TO X.
20Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- GW What is the per minute charge to Italy?
- Operator Do you have the one-rate plan?
- GW Im not sure can I find out through
you? - Operator No, that would be1800-466-3728.
- conversation with ATT operator, 6/23/01
- OP YOU CAN FIND OUT THROUGH X.
21Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- A The pots light.
- B That would be me. tosses in a chip
- poker game, 1/31/03
- Whats the OP here?
- OP THE PERSON WHO FAILED TO ANTE IS X.
22Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- Reference to the instantiation of the variable of
the OP as a form of discourse deixis (Lyons 1977,
Levinson 1983, Webber 1988) - I bet you havent heard this story.
- Levinson 198385, ex. 88
- A Ive never seen him.
- B Thats a lie.
- Lyons 1977668, cited in Levinson
198387
23Reference to the Instantiation of the Variable of
the OP
- In fact, we claim that the demonstrative of
epistemic would is actually referentially
ambiguous -- referring to the instantiation of
the variable of an OP is only one possibility.
Stay tuned
24Part II Deferred Equatives
- DEFERRED REFERENCE (Nunberg 1995)
- the metonymic use of an expression to refer
to an entity not denoted by the conventional
meaning of that expression. - server to co-worker in deli
- The ham sandwich is at table 7.
- restaurant patron handing car key to
parking valet - This is parked out back.
- Yeats is still widely read.
- The table is made of oak.
25Deferred Equatives
- Related work regular polysemy (Apresjan 1974,
semantic transfer rules (Leech 1974), metonymy
(Lakoff Johnson 1980), sense transfer (Sag
1981), active zones (Langacker 1984), lexical
networks (Norvig Lakoff 1987), lexical
implication rules (Ostler Atkins 1991),
referential metonymy and predicative metonymy
(Stallard 1993), connectors (Fauconnier 1994),
meaning transfer (Nunberg 1995), constructional
polysemy and sense extension (Copestake Briscoe
1995), logical metonymy (Pustejovsky 1995,
Verspoor 1997), enriched composition (Jackendoff
2002), inter alia.
26Some Naturally-Occurring Data
- Im the Pad Thai.
- BL, in conversation, 8/10/02
- Samir Abd al-Aziz al-Najim is the four of clubs.
- Chicago Tribune, 4/19/03, p. 5.
- physician assigning interns to patients
- You and you are shortness of breath. You and you
take vertigo. And last but not least, knee pain. - ER, 4/25/03
27More Naturally-Occuring Data
- DJ Are you Cubs or White Sox?
- Caller Im Cubs.
- WGN Radio, AM 720, 6/20/03
- request to unplug out-of-reach laptop power
cable - A Hi, can you unplug me?
- B Sure, which one are you?
- A Im the one on the end.
- Conversation, 12/12/06 token courtesy of
Robert Daland
28Previous Studies
- MEANING (SENSE) TRANSFER the name of a
property that applies to something in one domain
can sometimes be used as the name of a property
in another domain, provided the two properties
correspond in a certain noteworthy way
(Nunberg 1995111) - Two mechanisms for meaning transfer
- Predicate (VP) transfer
- Im parked out back. ?
- I'm the owner of a car parked out
back. - Common noun (N) transfer
- The ham sandwich is at table 7. ?
- The ham sandwich orderer is at
table 7.
29Deferred Reference
- Claim Unlike deferred non-equatives, deferred
equatives involve no transfer of sense or
reference rather, the two NPs of deferred
equatives retain their literal meanings with the
copula interpreted as expressing a noteworthy
correspondence between the referents of those NPs.
30Deferred Equatives and OPs
- Review an OP is a proposition with one or more
uninstantiated variables or underspecified
elements, corresponding to that aspect of
information structure that constitutes
backgrounded or presupposed information (i.e.,
that which is not at issue). - Im not really into sports. Football is gross.
Baseball I find tolerable, but more for the scene
at Wrigley Field than the actual game. - OP I HAVE DISPOSITION X TOWARD SPORTS.
- FOCUS tolerable
31Deferred Equatives and OPs
- For deferred equatives, the relevant OP contains
two variables, corresponding to the two sets from
which the instantiations of these variables are
drawn. - Im the Pad Thai.
- OP X CORRESPONDS TO Y (where X is a member of
the set customers and Y is a member of the set
orders). -
- FOCI I, the Pad Thai
32Deferred Equatives and OPs
- Claim For deferred equatives, no sense or
reference transfer applies. - In the absence of a salient double-variable OP,
deferred equatives are infelicitous - A on cell phone Sorry to interrupt your
lunch. How is it? - B Delicious! Im the Pad Thai.
- A Sorry to interrupt your lunch. How is it?
- B Delicious! I ordered the Pad Thai.
33Deferred Equatives as Non-Deferred
- Non-deferred equatives (identity clauses) are
not subject to this constraint - That guy that you were just talking to is my
neighbor Sam Miller. - That building on your left is the Sears Tower.
- This painting is the same as the one hanging in
the Louvre.
34Deferred Equatives as Non-Deferred
- For deferred equatives, the relevant NP (e.g. the
Pad Thai) does not undergo meaning transfer. - John is the Pad Thai, who drives a Rolls Royce.
- John is the Pad Thai, which looks delicious.
- John is talking to the Pad Thai, who drives a
Rolls Royce. - The Pad Thai, who drives a Rolls Royce, is John.
- The Pad Thai, which looks delicious, is John.
- The Pad Thai, who drives a Rolls Royce, is
talking to John. -
- Lets see Youre what, the Pad Thai or the Nam
Sod? - Lets see Youre who, the Pad Thai or the Nam
Sod?
35Deferred Equatives as Non-Deferred
- Tell me honestly, who do you like more, the Pad
Thai or the Nam Sod? - Tell me honestly, what do you like more, the Pad
Thai or the Nam Sod? - What I am is the Pad Thai, not the Nam Sod.
- Who I am is the Pad Thai, not the Nam Sod.
- Dude, who you should be checking out is the Pad
Thai, not the Nam Sod. - Dude, what you should be checking out is the Pad
Thai, not the Nam Sod.
36Summary, Part II
- Deferred equatives
- Encode a pragmatic correspondence between members
of sets of discourse entities with the copula
expressing a correspondence rather than literal
identity between those entities. - Require a contextually salient OP.
37Conclusions
- Two copular constructions deferred equatives
and epistemic would equatives share the
pragmatic requirement of a salient OP in context. - They differ with respect to the number of OP
variables being instantiated as foci, with the
demonstrative of epistemic would being used to
refer to the instantiation of an OP variable.
38Conclusions
- Unlike other OP-marking constructions that rely
on word order to signal their markedness, these
equatives rely on other devices - for deferred equatives, its the interpretation
of the copula as expressing a (non-identity)
correspondence - for epistemic would equatives, its the presence
of the epistemic modal would.