Argument structure and its realization

1
Argument structure and its realization

• 2/21/2005
• Nianwen Xue

2
outline

• Syntactic argument vs semantic argument
• Selectional restriction
• Subject control
• Object control
• Raising

3
Semantic valency

• Arguments can be viewed as central participants
  in a situation
• Aous laughed.
• Aous the entity that does the laughing
• Chris invited Dave .
• Chris host
• Guest Dave

4
Semantic valency

• One-place predicates
• Laugh, smile,
• Two-place predicates
• Invite, hit,
• Three-place predicates
• give, send, etc.
• Four-place predicates
• Accompany,
• Five-place predicates
• Rent,

5
Arguments defined in the frame files

• http//verbs.colorado.edu/framesets
• Smile
• Invite
• Accompany
• Rent

6
Syntactic argument (transitivity)

• Arguments that are actually realized
• Intransitive takes one argument
• Transitive takes two arguments
• Ditransitive takes three arguments

7
Transitive to intransitive

• He / interrupted / the meeting.
• He / interrupted.
• Amy / knits / sweaters.
• Amy / knits.
• They / are reading / a book.
• They / are reading.

8
Intransitive to transitive

• Dennis / died.
• Dennis / died / a peaceful death.
• Lukas / laughed.
• Lukas / laughed / an infectious laugh.
• Mona Lisa / was smiling.
• Mona Lisa / was smiling / a mysterious smile.

9
Ditransitive-transitive-intransitive

• We teach college students syntax.
• We teach college students.
• We teach syntax.
• We teach.
• He told me the whole story.
• He told me.
• He told the whole story.
• He better not tell.

10
Transitive to ditransitive

• I baked a delicious cake.
• I baked my friends a delicious cake.
• The lions killed a gazelle.
• The lions killed themselves a gazelle.
• She sang a lullaby.
• She sang her baby a lullaby.

11
Alternation

• Transitive to intransitive
• Object to subject
• Aous broke the window .
• The window broke.
• Changes of (syntactic) arguments
• Change of position

Levin (1993)
12
Syntax/semantics mismatch

• Semantic arguments are not always explicitly
  realized
• Realized syntactic arguments are not necessarily
  semantic arguments
• Semantic arguments are not always realized in the
  same syntactic positions

13
Modification

• Properties of events, which are less central, are
  often realized as modifiers
• Manner He read the letter carefully.
• Point in time They discussed the proposal in the
  afternoon.
• Duration You should keep your tax records for
  several years.
• Frequency I read the Times quite often.
• Location We met in my office.
• Origin We set out from Bangalore.
• Destination We arrived in Benares.
• Cause He threw it away out of spite.
• Purpose I sent the message to warn everyone.

14
Predication and subject requirement

• That they are corrupt is evident.
• Their corruption is evident.
• It is evident that they are corrupt.
• Is evident that they are corrupt.
• Does it contribute to the semantics of this
  sentence? If not, why is it needed?

15
Pleonastic there

• Several vexing questions remain.
• There remain several vexing questions.
• There is a clean shirt right here.
• There is a clean shirt over there.
• Remain several vexing questions.

16
Selectional restrictions

• Amy drank the lemonade, sandwich
• Lukas drank a whole quart, piece
• Two hours, the shift, two liters, Larry
  elapsed without further incident.
• The paramilitary, bomb, avalanche murdered
  her husband, the olive tree, her house .
• The paramilitary, bomb, avalanche killed
  her husband, the olive tree, her house .

17
Agree (1)

• The children agreed to dance.

How many clauses does this sentence have?
18
agree (2)

• The childreni agreed that theyi would get wet
  .
• The horses, trees, rocks i agreed that
  theyi would get wet . 
• The childreni agreed that theyi would speak Twi
  .
• The childreni agreed that theyi would
  elapse, evaporate

19
agree (3)

• The children agreed PRO to get wet .
• The horses, trees, rocks agreed PRO to
  get wet .
• The children agreed PRO to speak Twi .
• The children agreed PRO to elapse,
  evaporate .
• The subject control verb and the lower verb
  impose separate selectional restrictions on their
  subject.
• Therefore two clauses

20
Representing subject control structure
S
VP
NP-1
S
VV
VP
NP
VP
TO
The children agreed PRO-1 to get wet .
21
Properties of subject control

• PRO cant be replaced with an overt NP
• PRO must be coreferential with the subject NP
  in the matrix clause

22
Arbitrary PRO

• PRO to err is human.
• PRO to forgive is divine.

23
Small pro in Chinese
S
VP
NP
NP
VC
NP
ADJP
QP
CP
IP
DEC
VP
NP
NP
VV
?? ? pro ?? ?? ? ? ? ?? ??
?? ? construction be develop
Pudong DE one CL main economic activity
. Construction is a main economic activity in
developing Pudong.
24
Seem (1)

• The children seemed to dance .
• There agreed to be a problem.
• ok There seemed to be a problem.
• The children agreed PRO to get wet .
• The horses, trees, rocks agreed PRO to
  get wet .
• ok The children seemed to get wet.
• ok The horses, trees, rocks seemed to get
  wet.

25
Seem (2)

• Subject idiom chunks
• The cat agreed PRO to be out of the bag .
• The cati seems ti to be out of the bag .
• Weather it
• It agreed to be raining.
• It seems to to be raining.
• Seem does not impose selectional restrictions

26
Seem (3)

• It seems that he is happy.
• That he is happy seems.
• Seem does not take an argument at its subject
  position.

27
Representing raising
S
VP
NP-1
S
VBP
NP-1
VP
VP
TO
VB
The children seems -1 to dance .
28
Representing raising
S
VP
NP
VBP
VP
VP
TO
NP
VB
There seems to be a
problem .
29
Properties of raising verbs

• Do not impose selectional restrictions on its
  subject. Selectional restrictions on its subject
  imposed by the lower verb
• Are not associated with a thematic role

30
Persuade vs expect

• We persuaded the children to dance.
• We expected there to be a problem.
• We persuaded there to be a problem.
• We expected it to rain.
• We persuaded it to rain.
• We expect the cat to be out of the bag.
• We persuaded the cat to be out of the bag.

31
Representing object-control
S
VP
NP
S
NP
VBD
VP
NP
We persuaded the children PRO
to dance .
32
Exercise

• Is tend a control verb or raising verb?
• What about promise?

33
tend

• There tend to be huge traffic jams during rush
  hour.
• It tends to rain at night.
• The cat tends to be out of the bag.(?)

34
promise

• Control
• The children, horses promised to eat their
  oatmeal .
• The children, horses promised that they
  would eat their oatmeal .
• The children softly promised to eat their
  oatmeal .
• The children obediently promised to eat their
  oatmeal .
• Raising
• This filly promises to win the race.
• All available evidence indicated that this filly
  will win the race.
• There promises to be a new version by spring.

35
Homework

• Treebank the following sentences
• Criminal charges are not filed in shootings that
  authorities determine to be accidental.
• Two Republican governors on Monday questioned a
  Bush administration decision allowing an
  Arab-owned company to operate six major U. S.
  ports, saying they may try to cancel lease
  arrangements at ports in their states.