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Household Dynamics, Chronic Poverty and Social Protection in Indonesia

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Title: Household Dynamics, Chronic Poverty and Social Protection in Indonesia


1
Household Dynamics, Chronic Poverty and Social
Protection in Indonesia
  • Wenefrida Widyanti, Asep Suryahadi,
  • Sudarno Sumarto and Athia Yumna
  • The SMERU Research Institute
  • www.smeru.or.id

2
Outline
  • Introduction
  • Data
  • Poverty and Chronic Poverty in Indonesia
  • Household Composition Change and Chronic Poverty
  • Household Dynamics as a Protection Instrument
  • Economic Viability and Chronic Poverty
  • Household Dynamics and the Concept of Chronic
    Poverty
  • Household Dynamics and Social Protection
  • Conclusion

3
Introduction
  • A typical household usually consists of several
    individuals with different characteristics,
    including their economic capacities, which in the
    end determines the economic capacity of the
    household as a unit.
  • A change in household composition will affect the
    economic capacity and economic condition of a
    household and most likely entail simultaneously
    both positive and negative effects on a
    households economic capacity and economic
    condition.
  • The direction of causation can also go in the
    opposite direction. A change in the economic
    condition of a household can induce the household
    to change its household composition.
  • The existence of relationships between household
    composition and households economic capacity and
    condition indicates that household composition
    may play an important role in explaining why some
    households fall into chronic poverty (i.e. severe
    and persistent poverty).

4
Data
  • Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS) Data from
    RAND, a longitudinal household survey with a
    sample which is representative of about 83
    percent of the Indonesian population (13
    provinces in Indonesia)
  • IFLS1 was conducted in 1993/94 by RAND in
    collaboration with the Demographic Institute of
    the University of Indonesia (LDUI) ? 7,224
    households (over 22,000 individuals) were
    interviewed.
  • IFLS2 was subsequently conducted in 1997 by RAND
    in collaboration with UCLA and LDUI ? 94 of
    IFLS1 households were relocated and
    re-interviewed 878 split-off households (over
    33,000 individuals) were interviewed.
  • IFLS3 was fielded in 2000, conducted by RAND in
    collaboration with the Centre for Population and
    Policy Studies, Gadjah Mada University (PSKK-UGM)
    ? 10,400 households (around 39,000 individuals)
    were interviewed.
  • A complete panel of 6,403 households were
    interviewed in IFLS1, IFLS2 and IFLS3.

5
Poverty and Chronic Poverty in Indonesia (1)
  • There was clear improvement in the household
    welfare between 1993 and 1997 however, due to
    the advent of an economic crisis starting in the
    second half of 1997, there was stagnation in
    household welfare between 1997 and 2000.

6
Poverty and Chronic Poverty in Indonesia (2)
  • Always poor twice poor ? chronic poor (14.1)
  • Once poor ? vulnerable (20.2)
  • Never poor ? non-poor (65.7)

7
Household Composition Change and Chronic Poverty
(1)
  • The distributions by poverty groups of both
    households that experienced household composition
    change and those that did not are similar to each
    other as well as to the total distribution ?
    Household composition change is not a major cause
    of the chronic poverty phenomenon in Indonesia

8
Household Composition Change and Chronic Poverty
(2)
  • The distributions by poverty groups of the
    households which experienced household
    composition change by the type of the composition
    change that occurred are similar to the total
    distribution (except divorce or separation but
    based on a small number of observations) ? There
    is no evidence that certain types of household
    composition change cause a higher probability for
    households to be chronically poor

9
Household Dynamics as a Protection Instrument
  • The proportion of bad state households among
    those that experienced a change in household
    composition is similar to the total households ?
    There is no evidence that households change their
    composition to cope with poverty and
    unemployment.

10
Economic Viability and Chronic Poverty
  • Single female without children households have
    the lowest probability to be either chronically
    poor or vulnerable, while single father
    households have the highest probability to be
    vulnerable.
  • The larger the number of household members, the
    higher the probability a household to be
    chronically poor or vulnerable.
  • Higher proportion of household members with
    senior secondary or higher education reduces the
    probability of a household to be either chronic
    poor or vulnerable.

11
Household Dynamics and the Concept of Chronic
Poverty
  • The complete panel households are poorer than the
    total sample in each round
  • The households dropped out of sample are less
    poor
  • The new households added into sample are less
    poor
  • ? The use of household as the unit of analysis
    for poverty may undermine the conceptualisation
    measurement of chronic poverty.

12
Household Dynamics and Social Protection
  • Poverty status in general does not increase the
    probability of receiving assistance, except for
    the vulnerable in receiving basic need
    assistance.
  • Change in household composition does not increase
    the probability of receiving assistance either.

13
Conclusion (1)
  • Household composition change is not a major cause
    of the chronic poverty phenomenon in Indonesia.
  • There is no evidence that certain types of
    household composition change cause a higher
    probability for households to be chronically
    poor.
  • There is no evidence that households change their
    composition to cope with poverty as well as
    unemployment.
  • Husband-wife households have the highest
    probability to be non-poor, while single mother
    households have a higher probability to be
    non-poor than single father households.

14
Conclusion (2)
  • The larger the number of household members, the
    higher the probability a household to be
    chronically poor or vulnerable.
  • A higher proportion of household members with
    senior secondary or higher education reduces the
    probability of a household to be either chronic
    poor or vulnerable.
  • Because of household dynamics, the use of
    household as the unit of analysis for poverty
    could undermine the conceptualisation
    measurement of chronic poverty.
  • Poverty status and change in household
    composition in general do not increase the
    probability of a household to receive an
    assistance.

15
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