Title: Public Land Leasing and Land Value Taxation
1Public Land Leasing andLand Value Taxation
- Steven C. Bourassa, Ph.D.
- KHC Real Estate Research Professor and Director
- School of Urban and Public Affairs, University of
Louisville, - Louisville, Kentucky, USA
- and
- CEREBEM, Bordeaux Ecole de Management, Bordeaux,
France - Peking UniversityLincoln Institute Center for
- Urban Development and Land Policy
2Introduction (1)
- Focus on two Lincoln Institute book projects
- Steven C. Bourassa and Yu-Hung Hong, editors,
Leasing Public Land Policy Debates and
International Experiences (2003) - Motivation Are there lessons from established
systems for transitional economies? - Focus on urban, rather than rural, applications
- Richard Dye and Richard England, editors, Land
Value Taxation and Economic Development
(forthcoming 2009) - Motivation If such a great idea, why is it not
used more widely? - Focus Theory, empirical evidence, and
international experience
3Introduction (2)
- Both public land leasing and land value taxation
ideas discussed by Henry George - Land value the result of government investment
and collective actions so should benefit the
community - Public land leasing and land value taxation are
two ways of accomplishing the same objective
4Introduction (3)
- Indeed, in some cases it may be difficult to make
a practical distinction between land rents and
land taxes - For example, in Canberra, this confusion helped
to lead to abolition of land rents and the
leasing system there is now based solely on
premiums - Same problems arise with respect to accurate and
timely assessment of land value or rent - This latter problem has helped to cause the
abolition of land value taxation in places such
as Pittsburgh
5International Experiences withPublic Land Leasing
- Established systems include
- Canberra, Australia
- The Netherlands
- Sweden
- Finland
- Hong Kong
- Singapore
- Book also looks at some newer experiments
6Definition of Public Land Leasing
- Runs the full range from something approximating
freehold ownership (premium leasehold in
perpetuity) to state allocation of land
(short-term leases for specific uses) - In some cases, is a more secure form of tenure
than freehold - Also, lessees may effectively acquire an equity
interest in the land - Operates within a wide range of institutional
contexts - Benefits of market allocation can be achieved
- Not a solution to all land management problems
7Public Policy Objectives
- Raising revenue
- Providing affordable housing and government
facilities - Regulating land use
- Facilitating urban redevelopment
- Promoting industrial development
- Conveying public land into private use
8Raising Revenues
- Generally not effective at capturing full land
values or rents - Government as landlord must be at least somewhat
responsive to public - Depends on accurate land values and a system for
competitively determining values - If based on assessed values, premiums or rents
tend to be below-market - General failure to collect full betterment or
renewal fees, especially in a premium-based system
9Providing Affordable Housing and Government
Facilities
- Of the various policy objectives, this seems
relatively achievable - But likely in conflict with other objectives,
particularly revenue raising - Ideal of transparency in cost of subsidies
suggests need for an independent lease management
agency
10Regulating Land Use
- Probably not a good idea
- Establish of land use rights in lease agreement
may make it difficult to change them when
necessary - Conflicts of interest may make it difficult to
achieve both land use and land management
objectives - Probably another good reason for establishing an
independent agency for managing public land that
is separate from planning and other government
functions
11Facilitating Urban Redevelopment
- This is what most profit-oriented landlords would
do - But probably not effective when government is the
landlord and lessees have long-term leases and
probably some equity interest in the land
12Promoting Industrial Development
- No obvious advantage over freehold
- Security of the property right clearly a more
important issue here than the form of land tenure
13Conveying Public Land intoPrivate Use
- Transitional role may allow for interim uses
- Probably better than selling at what could be
excessively low prices before markets and
institutions to support them are well-developed
14Institutional Needs for Public Land Leasing
- Some needs are specific to transitional
economies - System of title registration
- Mortgage and bankruptcy laws
- Developed cadastral system
- Mature judicial system for responding to
conflicts - Effective controls on corruption
- Other needs also apply to advanced economies
- Well developed land appraisal and management
capabilities - Independent agency for management of land leases
with clear objectives and transparent reporting
15Background on Land Value Taxation(1)
- Definition Land value taxation is taxation of
land at higher rates than improvements for
general revenue purposes - Real property taxes are typically applied to both
land and improvements - This part of presentation draws mainly on three
chapters covering the U.S. and international
experience (by Riƫl Franszen) and the politics of
enactment - Motivation If LVT is such as good idea, then why
isnt it used more widely?
16Background on Land Value Taxation (2)
- Proposed by Henry George as a single tax
- Subsequently advocated as a means for encouraging
economic development - Taxes on buildings discourage development taxes
on land do not - Experience
- U.S. mainly in Hawaii and municipalities in
Pennsylvania - Elsewhere mainly but not exclusively in British
Commonwealth countries such as Australia,
Jamaica, New Zealand, and South Africa
17International experience (1)
- Africa
- Kenya
- Namibia
- South Africa
- Swaziland
- Zimbabwe
- Asia
- Japan
- South Korea
- Taiwan
- Thailand
- Australasia and South Pacific
- Australia
- Fiji
- New Zealand
- Papua New Guinea
- Solomon Islands
- Vanuatu
- Caribbean and Latin America
- Bahamas
- Barbados
- Belize
- Grenada
- Jamaica
- Mexico
18International experience (2)
- North America
- Canada
- United States
- Europe
- Denmark
- Estonia
- France
19U.S. experience ongoing LVTs
- Pennsylvania municipality Start year Tax rate
ratio - Aliquippa 1988 7.07
- Aliquippa School District 1993
6.32 - Allentown 1997
4.70 - Altoona 2002 15.81
- Clairton 1989 12.61
- Clairton School District 2006 2.42
- DuBois 1991 29.67
- Duquesne 1985 1.66
- Ebensburg 2000 3.67
- Harrisburg 1975 6.00
- Lock Haven 1991 5.70
- McKeesport 1980 3.87
- New Castle 1982 3.54
- Scranton 1913 4.60
- Titusville 1990 3.11
- Washington 1985 23.61
20U.S. experience failed LVTs
- Jurisdiction Duration
- Hawaii
- Statewide 1965-mid-1970s
- Pennsylvania
- Coatesville 1991-2006
- Connellsville 1992-2003
- Hazleton 1991-1992
- Oil City 1989-2003
- Pittsburgh 1913-2001
- Steelton 2000-2008
- Uniontown 1992-1992
- New York
- Amsterdam 1995-1996
21Example (1) Pittsburgh
- Initially adopted as 21 graded tax (city only)
in 1913 to encourage development of large land
holdings - Poster child in U.S.
- But combined with substandard assessment
practices - Political fallout from mishandled reassessment
led to abolition in 2001 - Land value taxation a scapegoat for inadequate
assessment - Now expanding the use of tax abatements to
encourage development
22Example (2) Hawaii
- Adopted statewide to encourage tourism related
development in the mid-1960s - Dense, unattractive development in Waikiki was
seen to be destroying character of the area - Was abolished by mid-1970s
- Soon afterwards, property taxation devolved to
counties and Honolulu, for example, instituted
higher taxes on improvements than on land for
some classes of property - Arguably, land value taxation was the scapegoat
here for inadequate land use planning and control
23Example (3) Harrisburg
- Major flood in 1972 capped off decades of
economic decline - Harrisburg categorized as one of the most
distressed cities in the U.S. in early 1980s - Comprehensive economic development program,
including land value taxation, has resulted in - Increases in building permits and construction
activity - Increase in taxable value of real estate
- Increase in employment
- Decrease in building vacancies
- Success story (?)
24Issues
- Taxation of unrealized capital gains
- Land value assessment and rate setting
- Too much development
- Winners and losers
- Lack of understanding
25Taxation of unrealized gains (1)
- Has been a particular issue in the U.S. and in
places with rapid growth in property values - California, Massachusetts, Florida, in U.S.
- New South Wales, in Australia
- Characteristics of property taxation in the U.S.
- Expensive local public services
- Property taxes an important source of local
revenue (about 25) - Average about 1 of value for owner-occupied
houses - Repeated property tax revolts
- Great Depression
- 1970s house price boom
- 2000s house price boom
- Legislative responses
- Homestead and other exemptions
- Proposition 13 and other caps
26Taxation of unrealized gains (2)
- LVT aggravates this problem because most gains
are increases in land value - Buildings do not increase in value unless
construction costs increase at a faster rate than
buildings depreciate - For example, to achieve the level of house price
inflation experienced in the U.S. in the early
2000s (6 as of early 2000 rising to over 12 in
early 2005), land value inflation would have to
average about 30 annually - This assumes that land was initially 20 of total
property value - Also assumes that buildings appreciated at 1
annually - Thus volatility in property taxes is exaggerated
27Taxation of unrealized gains (3)
Hypothetical example of 200,000 house with
40,000 land value and 160,000 building value in
year 1 and uniform 10 mill (1) tax rate
113
77
40
28Land value assessment
- In built-up areas land value is more difficult to
assess than total property value - Inaccurate allocation of value between land and
improvements defeats purpose of LVT - In many communities, reassessment is infrequent
- Pittsburgh and Clairton, PA
- Amsterdam, NY
- Rate setting processes can be overly politicized
and rather clumsy - Pittsburgh
29Too much development
- Not the most common problem
- The one example is Hawaii, where Waikiki came to
be perceived as overdeveloped during the late
1960s and early 1970s - Subsequently, property taxation in Hawaii was
devolved from the state to counties, and in some
cases buildings were taxed at higher rates than
land - Need to make certain that land use and
environmental controls are effective - Assessment according to highest and best use
should reflect land use controls
30Winners and losers
- Georgist argument that land rents should benefit
the community rather than individual property
owners - Vertical and horizontal equity issues
- Problem of disconnect between total property
value and tax bill - Assessment issues may invite challenges
- Lack of connection between household income and
tax bill - These were major issues in Pittsburgh, for example
31Misunderstanding LVT
- The disconnection between total property value
and tax bill makes tax system harder to
understand - Assessment problems contribute to the confusion
- Issue has been raised in U.S. and other countries
- In U.S., for example, in Pittsburgh and
Philadelphia - Elsewhere, in New Zealand and South Africa
32Conclusions on Land Value Taxation
- To be politically successful, land value taxation
should be accompanied by - A sophisticated assessment system
- Frequent reassessments
- A nimble rate-setting process
- Effective land use planning
- Ongoing public education
- Unfortunately, LVT has too often been the
scapegoat for assessment problems and other
issues
33General Conclusions
- Neither public land leasing nor land value
taxation offer perfect means for achieving public
policy objectives - Similar to most, if not all, policy tools
- Both involve some of the same technical
challenges - Both require a high level of technical and
administrative sophistication