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A Message to Business: ELECTIONS YEAR INDONESIA 2004

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Title: A Message to Business: ELECTIONS YEAR INDONESIA 2004


1
A Message to BusinessELECTIONS YEAR INDONESIA
2004
  • CONFIRMATION CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRATIC
    LEGITIMACY
  • A joint publication by the Coordinating Ministry
    for Economic Affairs
  • and the Capital Market Supervisory Agency
    (BAPEPAM)
  • Republic of Indonesia
  • Elections Background Information
  • Issue 01 March 28, 2004

2
INDONESIAN POLITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC MATURITY
  • From the start, the 2004 Electoral Commission
    (KPU) was managed by prominent academics,
    intellectuals and NGOs activists. It is, and
    remains, completely independent from outside
    intervention. Political parties, the executive
    branch, as well as the legislative and judicial
    branches, all respect the KPUs independence and
    freedom of action as stipulated by the Law.
  • The Government of the Republic of Indonesia, with
    the approval of the parliament, has provided the
    necessary funds for the preparation of the
    parliamentary and presidential elections without
    political and other strings attached. The total
    budget is about Rp 4 Trillion, and an additional
    US 80 million grant provided by donor countries
    and multilateral agencies to support this
    historical exercise.
  • The present status and position of KPU is
    comparable, or even better, than electoral
    commissions in the most advanced democracies as
    the KPU is free from all sorts of pressures
    especially those emanating from government or
    political parties.
  • Difficulties arising from the electoral schedule
    agenda are of a purely technical and logistical
    nature.

3
CONJECTURES ON LOGISTICAL ELECTORAL ISSUES
  • Conjectures can arise on delayed and
    staggered elections and their respective legal
    and political consequences. This indeed
    represents a field day for the media,
    observers, and commentators of all sorts.
  • Aside from assisting the KPU from the very
    beginning the government response is that of
    total readiness to assist with funds and
    institutional support increased mobilization of
    the public administration, the police, and the
    armed forces to overcome delays and
    transportation difficulties.
  • Society at large has been no less responsive
    through local mobilization and solidarity actions
    towards the electoral process. School children,
    students, local police, municipal administrators,
    and neighborhood institutions and families are
    all racing against the clock in preparing polling
    booths and ballot casting stations.

4
THE BASIC PROBLEM (INDONESIAN ELECTIONS SEEN AT
A DISTANCE)
  • The sheer magnitude and dimension of elections
    in the worlds third largest democracy
  • On April 5 Indonesians will select 550
    representatives in the national Parliament from
    among 7,765 candidates standing for election as
    well as 128 members (four per province) out of
    940 aspirants for the new Regional Representative
    Council and some 50,000 standing for election to
    1,838 seats in regional representative bodies.   
  • On July 5 the president and vice president will
    for the first time be elected in a direct
    election.  If no slate receives a majority, a
    run-off election will be held on September 20. 
  • These elections will require over 585,000 polling
    places, almost a billion ballots, 2.3 million
    ballot boxes, and over five million workers. 
  • The ballots will be complicated, with 24 parties
    certified to field candidates for many of the
    thousands of national and regional offices. 
    Participation is expected to run well above 90
    percent. 
  • While localized clashes are possible, seasoned
    Indonesia-observers expect the polling to be
    peaceful, fair, and successful.

5
The Basic(continued)
  • Election Cycle A Snapshot
  • Three elections                        
  • April 5 for legislative seats (national, regional
    representatives council, and provincial/district
    levels)
  • July 5 First round Presidential
  • September 20, Second Round Presidential (if
    needed)        
  • Registered voters                     147.3
    Million
  • Polling stations                         585,000
  • Ballots                                    
    Almost 1 billion
  • 660 million for legislative election
  • 150 million for each presidential election
  • Manpower Security Over 5 million workers to
    train, 4 million poll workers
  • Some 500 foreign observers will monitor the
    legislative and presidential elections

6
THE CHALLENGE THE ARCHIPELAGO AND THE MARITIME
CONTINENT
  • Out of Indonesias 18 000 islands, 6000 are
    inhabited where citizens and voters are to be
    located for elections purposes. This is the real
    electoral challenge of the sprawling archipelago
    stretching 3.5 time zones across the equator
    (comparable with an area from Moscow to Dublin
    east-west and Stockholm to Rome north-south).
  • Some of the larger islands have continental
    configurations (climate, land size, and
    geography) and transportation and communication
    problems are frequent (Irian Jaya, Kalimantan,
    Sulawesi, etc.). This is Indonesias maritime
    continent challenge.
  • Both elements (archipelagic and continental) are
    also a true challenge to electoral experts
    worldwide.

7
THE NATIONAL CONSENSUS
  • Political parties, public opinion, and
    commentators are not blaming government
    authorities for the present situation where the
    KPU has to overcome deadlines and delays.
  • Moreover, without any political engineering
    characteristic of the past New Order (Orde Baru)
    regime, political maturity and stability have
    been attained through the natural selection of
    political parties by Indonesian society. From
    about 230 (declared) political parties
    registering for 2004 elections, only 24 were
    considered fulfilled the requirements. This
    number is half of those in 1999 with 48 political
    parties contesting in the elections in that year.
  • Elections are eagerly awaited as the country does
    not wish a repeat of the 1998 2001 crisis (the
    forced resignation of Soeharto, the refusal of
    Habibies presidential accountability report by
    the National Assembly, and the impeachment of
    Abdurrahman Wahid) nor a repetition of the fall
    of Soekarno before the New Order.
  • All involved are aware that creating chaos and
    economic disorder will drag the country back to
    the years of crisis.
  • Maintaining election deadlines, well prepared
    elections delay, or staggered elections are
    solutions collectively envisaged.

8
DISSENSIONS
  • Anybody seeking to capitalize on problems
    related to the electoral process will not be able
    to rally massive supporters on this theme.
  • There is now great public indifference towards
    political organizations seeking to stir up mass
    protests and trouble on many issues. The public
    may not heed calls for mass mobilization on
    issues of a technical and logistical nature.

9
FROM A FLEDGLING TO A MATURING DEMOCRACY
  • Matters arising from election delays and
    deadlines as central issues demonstrate the
    following
  • The political and economic crisis is past and has
    not become a major campaign theme. Creating
    internal strife and terror has not been
    successful. The KPU problem can not be used to
    this purpose.
  • Institution building success now becomes the new
    challenge parallel to successful constitutional
    reform (direct presidential elections, provincial
    representatives/senators, representation by
    parties and personalities).
  • Democratic institutions such as KPU have only had
    very limited time to adapt and be on par with the
    high standards and quality of electoral
    commissions in the worlds most successful
    democracies.
  • Thorough election planning and preparation is to
    become part and parcel of Indonesian democratic
    life, year in year on.

10
COMPARISONS
  • Historically, Indonesian elections are peaceful
    and relatively violence free.
  • Present problems being of a technical and
    logistical nature should not give rise to
    violence, polemics nor excessive controversy.
  • Sociologically, delays and extension of deadlines
    do not create as much protest.
  • The electoral process has much of being carried
    through anyway. Public passions, compared to
    1999, have seriously subsided and charismatic
    figures and political organizations have only a
    moderate appeal in the publics eyes.
  • Electoral participation, as past registration and
    participation have shown, is high compared to
    other countries and voters will not be
    discouraged by logistical issues.

11
OBSERVATIONS
  • The Indonesian voter has become very critical and
    will choose according to his/her inner
    convictions. External pressures, vote buying, and
    opportunistic electoral promises do not seem to
    excessively attract the public.
  • The regional and local dimension has become very
    important.
  • Artificially created issues will remain
    artificial.
  • There is a new and up and coming young generation
    of voters.
  • Civil society grows in strength while the
    military moves towards professionalism by
    abandoning their bloc vote in the assembly and do
    not vote in the elections.
  • A new generation of political scientists is on
    the rise public opinion and polling specialists,
    analysts in elections organization, procedures,
    practices, and results.
  • In the final analysis Indonesia is on the march
    to democratic confirmation and consolidation.
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