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Forgiving Utility Debt, Waiving Penalties

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Title: Forgiving Utility Debt, Waiving Penalties


1
Forgiving Utility Debt, Waiving Penalties
Punitive Deposits How to Make the Case
  • H. Gil Peach, PhD
  • H. Gil Peach Associates LLC/Scan America
  • 16232 NW Oakhills Drive
  • Beaverton, Oregon 97006
  • (503) 645-0716
  • hgilpeach_at_scanamerica.net

2
SOME BACKGROUND
  • 30 Years doing program evaluations, public
    services and policy work.
  • Originally in NYC Studies in Housing Urban
    Renewal, Health, Transit System (Subways), Child
    Services, Hospital Services (Pediatric Medical
    Care), Taxi Bureau, Employment Department, etc.
  • Since 1980 Utility Load Research, Rates, DSM
    Evaluation, Low-Income, Universal Services
    Program Evaluations, Policy Studies.
  • First Low-Income Evaluation 1988.

3
Why the Problem in Paying Gas, Electricity, and
Water Bills?
  • Since about 1972, the force of poverty has been
    increasing. It is largely driven by what
    economists call globalization of production,
    although there are other factors.
  • Globalization is a new economic order (or the
    resurgence of an old problem for working people).

4
Why the Problem in Paying Gas, Electricity, and
Water Bills?
  • Income inequality is dramatically increasing. We
    are about back to 1900 in terms of the pattern of
    incomes. The upper 1 now take 20 of all
    household income. The upper 5 own 50 of
    everything. The pattern is getting stronger and
    as it does, cost of service rates cannot work.
  • Federal poverty and income measures are
    mis-calibrated. Households up to 350 of poverty
    need some assistance. Most households do not
    have sufficient income money runs out before
    basic needs are met. But we dont like to admit
    it.

5
Why the Problem in Paying Gas, Electricity, and
Water Bills?
  • The Solution Space is getting smaller for most
    households, and for communities and the country
    as a whole. There is a growing network of
    interconnecting problems, including global
    warming, failure of wheat crops, dead zones off
    the West Coast, loss of jobs, pressure to reduce
    pay, turning key government agencies into raggedy
    ramshackle outfits, increasing cost of living,
    and more

6
  • Some Positive Examples
  • (New Programs)

7
Three Examples of New Programs
  • (1) Nevada If under 150 of Poverty, and at a
    utility where they pay into the Universal Service
    Program Total cost of gas plus electricity is
    set at the median energy burden for the state
    (about 3).
  • (2) New Jersey set at 175 of Poverty and 6.

8
Three Examples
  • (Example 3) PECO Energy (Philadelphia)
  • Token rate with no penalties and no fees for
    customers from 0-25 of poverty

9
PECO Rate CAP A
10
Examples of New Programs
  • It can be shown mathematically that the optimum
    approach is the Percentage of Income Payment Plan
    PIPP.
  • A PIPP rate is the best one to go for if you can
    get it. Some utilities are afraid of PIPP
    programs.

11
Why Would a Utility want a PIPP Rate?
  • Develop the business case for showing the Limits
    to Cost-of-Service based rate designs.
  • Show the Need for Percentage of Income or Closely
    Related Design Approaches

12
The Benefits to the Utility
  • Use the Sector Map tool to look at what
    households can pay.
  • Optimize from a utility collections perspective
    (to get households to pay what they can of the
    cost-based bill)
  • Structure rates to recover the rest up front
    ask only for what is reasonable and possible
    but optimize that amount.

13
Utilities have other Collections Tools Expect
them to continue in use
  • Adherence to plan
  • Adherence to regulatory requirements
  • Payment agreements
  • Credit scoring/data mining/segment customers
  • Use of trade allies (Collection Agencies)
  • New technologies (AMR, Remote Disconnect, Pre
    Pay)
  • Etc.

14
What to Focus On
  • First Focus on Write Offs
  • Second Interest on Debt (Cost of Working
    Capital)
  • Third Cost of Collections (by activity and step)

15
Utility Collections Tools that need to Structured
for Low-Income Households
  • Rate Design (PIPP)
  • Arrearage Management

16
Arrearage Management Can Lower Cost
17
Bottom Line
  • Utility loses least money with a well structured
    low-income rate that is actually affordable to
    customers.

18
Things You Need to Know
  • All Utilities have an account for uncollectibles
    (write-offs)
  • This account is one of many items that determine
    revenue requirements.
  • Revenue requirements are reflected in the current
    utility rate.

19
Things You Need to Know
  • If the amount for uncollectibles is not correct
    it is trued up in the next rate case.
  • Bottom line Customers are already covering all
    the costs of both the collections activities and
    the write offs.

20
Things You Need to Know
  • To Repeat Customers are already covering the
    costs of uncollectibles (bad debt or write-offs)
    plus the cost of running the utilitys collection
    function in current rates.

21
Things You Need to Know
  • Most arrearages are temporary and are from missed
    payments. Most are made up within one billing
    cycle.
  • Usually, low-income customers are not responsible
    for the bulk of arrearage.
  • However, if an account goes three cycles without
    payment, it usually becomes a write off.

22
Things You Need to Know
  • Arrearages on the books cost utilities money.
    The part of arrearage that is going towards
    write-off costs more the longer it is held on the
    books.
  • Utilities typically do not help collections staff
    understand these realities. However the Rates
    Manager and the Treasurer or Budget Director will
    know.

23
What did it Take to get PECO CAP A?
  • Commission ordered a special study.
  • In the rate study we showed every possible
    combination under different rate approaches.
  • It became clear that households from 0-25 of
    poverty and in special circumstances needed a
    token rate.

24
Why is a Special Rate Necessary?
  • The US is a poor country for most households. We
    dont like to admit this, but we are
    transitioning from a manufacturing economy to a
    service economy and our productive assets are
    going into foreign ownership.
  • There is more

25
Pattern of Income Changes
CBPP data, adjusted. John Mitchell
26
Implications of Income shifts for Programs
Program Evaluations
  • an increasingly impoverished underclass is
    falling out of the new globalized economic
    system.
  • so, this contextual or background factor is a
    major force affecting all programs, including
    utility collections and low-income programs.

27
Implications of Income Shifts for Program
Evaluations
Roger Colton, The Home Energy Affordability Gap
in Pennsylvania, April 2003
28
Representations of Inequality
  • Example - The Income Donut

29
Poverty Donuts
  • This donut is typical of of the US the bottom
    20 of families receives 3 of community income.
  • If this were a mechanical system, an engineer
    would never put equal stress on each sector.

30
Poverty Donuts
  • If this were a real donut shared by five
    children, we would expect more equality.
  • The top 5 receives 18 of community income.
  • The top 1.5 receives 8 of community income.

31
Where Does Income Come From?
  • Market Derived For Utility Customers, market
    income comes mainly from the Job Structure but
    the Job Structure has been weakened by
    Globalization
  • In the absence of substantial income transfers,
    traditionally, in the US, we have relied more on
    economic activity and economic growth to increase
    demand for labor and employment.
  • But, this mechanism no longer works.

32
  • JOB STRUCTURE

33
Job Structure
  • The income donut that we just reviewed reflects
    the underlying
  • job structure of a community.

34
Job Structure
  • Poverty is produced by economic arrangements,
    reflected in the job structure.
  • Poverty may be influenced by individual action,
    but only if a structure of opportunity opens up.

35
Job Structure
  • At any one time, a community, city, state, or
    service territory has a job structure.
  • You can picture it as like an organization chart
    for a corporation

36
Globalization Centralization Effects on Local
RegionalJob Structures
37
Job Structure
  • So long as the job structure of a Service
    Territory does not provide enough jobs that
    supply a family wage, a significant portion of
    the families in the community will be payment
    troubled and in poverty.
  • - H. Gil Peach

38
Job Structure - Market Income inGlobalized
Markets
  •  
  •  
  • On the positive side, prices of goods decrease,
    reflecting lower cost of labor.
  • On the negative side, locally produced goods are
    replaced by goods produced overseas. As jobs
    disappear, so do many local businesses as, for
    example, big box stores replace local
    entrepreneurs.
  •  
  •  

39
Job Structure - Market Income inGlobalized
Markets
  •  
  •  
  • The long term trend is to continually drop job
    slots from the job structure.
  • This both eliminates jobs and restrains wages and
    benefits.

40
Job Structure - Market Income inGlobalized
Markets
  •  
  •  
  • It is now commonplace for young persons to feel
    that they cannot achieve the level of living of
    their parents.
  • Structurally, that perception is correct.

41
Market Determination of (Market) Income with and
without Globalization.
  • With globalization, the local market may clear at
    point G,
  • the intersection of line D2-D2 (reduced local
    demand for labor)
  • and line S3-S3 (labor supply augmented by
    global labor supply).

42
Implications
  • As real income declines funding of quality of
    life must take place outside market mechanics.
  • Markets have their place but when the job
    structure is broke the market cant fix it.

43
Energy Burden
  • Reichmuth Sector Maps

44
  • MISLEADING FEDERAL STATISTICS

45
Statistics on Unemployment - 1
  • The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) puts out the
    unemployment numbers you hear on the radio or TV.
    As a rule of thumb, economists know to double
    whatever they say. If the government says 6, it
    is actually about 12.

46
Unemployment - 2
  • Unemployment is a good example of how government
    statistics are defined in ways that diverge
    substantially from useful information.
  • They just dont count people who are beaten down
    and give up.
  • They dont count people who want full time work,
    but dont have the energy to keep pushing while
    still working less than full time.

47
Unemployment - 3
  • Bottom Line Unemployment numbers are not true
    in an ordinary sense. In this case, you know the
    true number is always about double what the
    government says, so the true number is not hidden
    very well.
  • Still, everyone is repeatedly told on the radio,
    TV, and in the papers and government speeches a
    number that is about half the number that makes
    sense from the perspective of workers and
    families.

48
Employment Statistics - 1
  • Government numbers on employment are also
    misleading in an ordinary sense.
  • Employment is defined in a way that does not make
    sense from a workers perspective or from a
    family perspective.

49
Employment - 2
  • Lets say the US loses 20,000 manufacturing jobs
    in auto plants this year.
  • Suppose over the same year, Wal Mart plus Wendys
    hire 22,000 people.
  • According to the government, that is a net gain
    of 2,000 jobs.

50
Employment - 3
  • The government does not keep the numbers in terms
    of jobs that offer a living wage, along with the
    prospect of job security, some kind of career
    ladder, a defined-benefit pension, and a decent
    medical and dental plan.

51
Employment - 4
  • The government will barrage us with talk about
    how the job situation is improving because it
    does not care to report about what is really
    happening to the quality of jobs.
  • If it reported accurately, it would be reporting
    a national emergency the deterioration of the
    job structure over the last 40 years. Generally,
    the federal government is silent on this sea
    change.

52
Consumer Price Index -1
  • The CPI is an index that is supposed to indicate
    overall changes in prices experienced by people
    in their role as consumers.
  • It is used to adjust Social Security payments,
    other Cost of Living adjustments, and figures
    into the major numbers used to describe the
    national economy.

53
Consumer Price Index - 2
  • At about the end of the 1960s the method of
    calculation was changed to permit hedonic
    adjustments and substitutions.
  • Hedonic adjustment example

54
Consumer Price Index - 3
  • Hedonic Adjustment
  • Lets say a family had a large black and white TV
    in 1968. In 2008 a similar family is looking to
    buy a TV. The kind of unit from 1968 is no
    longer on the market. So the family has to buy a
    color TV set up to receive high definition
    pictures over cable.
  • The low end TV is no longer in the market, and
    the new TV costs twice as much.
  • The CPI calculation is adjusted to say the new
    TV costs less than the old one due to the
    increase in pleasure.

55
Consumer Price Index - 4
  • Leave out Actual Costs Families Have to Pay
  • Another questionable practice they ask that
    people focus on the CPI with the energy items
    removed (core CPI). When energy prices are
    increasing, how useful is that?
  • Example if natural gas price runs up suddenly,
    leave it out because it fluctuates. In this case
    the government reports results with and without,
    but asks that the core CPI be the one that
    everyone focuses on.

56
Consumer Price Index - 5
  • Treatment of Housing Cost
  • Another questionable practice Instead of
    putting the costs of buying a house into the CPI,
    they use the cost of equivalent rental housing.
  • That might work sometimes but not in the context
    of the run up in housing prices over the last 15
    years.

57
Consumer Price Index - 6
  • Substitutions
  • Remember that the purpose of the CPI was to hold
    a basket of goods constant so that comparisons
    of prices could be made across years.
  • Since the early 1990s substitutions have been
    allowed in the CPI calculations. Williams notes
    that this changes the index from a cost of
    living to a cost of survival index.

58
Consumer Price Index - 7
  • One of these adjustments might not cause much of
    a problem, but over the years since 1968 there
    have been many.
  • So the official CPI is not a real number
    anymore. And, everything it adjusts is therefore
    out of calibration.

59
Consumer Price Index - 8
Bottom Line -- What has really happened to pay
since 1968.
See Paulos, Alternative Inflation Index
(1968-2004). Source George J Paulos,
www.gold-eagle.com
60
Consumer Price Index - 9
  • Bottom Line What has happened to Social
    Security since 1968.
  • The cumulative distortions in the CPI result in
    current Social Security payments that are
    somewhere between 40 to 70 too low. If a
    Social Security payment is 20,000 per year, it
    should be by law and if the CPI system had
    not been distorted, about 33,000. (See Williams
    study)

61
Poverty Statistics - 1
  • The official statistics on poverty in the US were
    created in the 1960s.
  • The system was defective from the start because
    it was based on a basket of subsistence goods and
    did not take income inequality into account.

62
Poverty Statistics - 2
  • The basket of goods would have been hard to find
    even then.
  • The method assumes someone at home full time and
    does not take child care expense when everyone
    must work into account.

63
Poverty Statistics - 3
  • The New Massachusetts Health Insurance proposal
    puts the poverty cut off at 300 of poverty
    (April 2006). Why?
  • Because if you have a consensus across the
    political spectrum and are trying to do something
    real, you have to use real numbers.

64
Poverty Statistics - 4
  • All of the state income self-sufficiency studies
    come out with self-sufficiency income for a
    family at over 200 of official poverty and, in
    some cases to 323 of FPL.
  • The self-sufficiency studies are based on family
    budgets, but do not include provision for severe
    illness, retirement income, or (sometimes) a car.

65
Poverty Statistics - 5
  • In our work, we come up with at least 250 of
    official poverty as the breakpoint.
  • Massachusetts and California use the equivalent
    of 250 and use 300 for some (limited) programs.

66
Poverty Statistics - 6
  • Bottom Line on Poverty
  • Conservatively, 100 of poverty in 1965 is 250
    of poverty in 2006. Using the income
    insufficiency methodology and in more
    progressive perspective, program eligibility
    should be at 350.

67
  • SECTOR MAP TOOL

68
Sector Map Tool
  • The basic idea is just a graph
  • Usage or a proxy for usage on the side.
  • Income or a proxy for income on the bottom.

69
Sector Map Tool
  • Reichmuth Sector Maps For energy burden.

70
Energy Burden
71
Sector Map Tool
  • Reichmuth Sector Map for Affordability.
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