Tone and intonation in the dialect of Hasselt

1
Tone and intonation in the dialect of Hasselt

• Jörg Peters
• University of Nijmegen
• j.peters_at_let.ru.nl

2
Tone and intonation in the dialect of Hasselt

• Jörg Peters
• University of Nijmegen
• j.peters_at_let.ru.nl

Tonale Dialecten in het Nederlands Structuur,
Perceptie en Functie (2003-2005), sponsored by
the VNC (Vlaams-Nederlands Comité voor
Nederlandse Taal- en Cultuur) with Carlos
Gussenhoven (Nijmegen), Marc Swerts (Tilburg), Jo
Verhoeven (Antwerpen)
3

• Limburgian dialects have a lexical tone contrast
  comparable to the distinction between Accent 1
  and Accent 2 in Swedish and Norwegian.

4

• Limburgian dialects have a lexical tone contrast
  comparable to the distinction between Accent 1
  and Accent 2 in Swedish and Norwegian.
• Distinction between lexemes
• /ki?1sk?/ cheese-DIM
• /ki?2sk?/ stocking-DIM

5

• Limburgian dialects have a lexical tone contrast
  comparable to the distinction between Accent 1
  and Accent 2 in Swedish and Norwegian.
• Distinction between lexemes
• /ki?1sk?/ cheese-DIM
• /ki?2sk?/ stocking-DIM
• Distinction between grammatical meanings
• /daa1x/ days
• /daa2x/ day

6
The Netherlands
Duisburg
Dutch Limburg
Germany
Belgian Limburg
Maastricht
Belgium
Cologne
Frankfurt
Moselle
Luxem- bourg
Rhine
Mannheim
7
The Netherlands
Duisburg
Dutch Limburg
Germany
Belgian Limburg
Maastricht
Belgium
Cologne
Frankfurt
Moselle
Luxem- bourg
Rhine
Mannheim
8
The Netherlands
Duisburg
Dutch Limburg
Germany
Belgian Limburg
Maastricht
Belgium
Cologne
Frankfurt
Moselle
Luxem- bourg
Rhine
Mannheim
9
The Netherlands
Duisburg
Dutch Limburg
Germany
Belgian Limburg
Maastricht
Belgium
Cologne
Frankfurt
Moselle
Luxem- bourg
Rhine
Mannheim
10
The Netherlands
Duisburg
Dutch Limburg
Germany
Belgian Limburg
Maastricht
Belgium
Cologne
Frankfurt
Moselle
Luxem- bourg
Rhine
Mannheim
11
Belgian Limburg
Dutch Limburg
Maastricht
12
Belgian Limburg
Dutch Limburg
Maastricht
13
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Maastricht
14
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
15
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
16
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
West-Limburgian
17
Venlo
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
West-Limburgian
18
Venlo
Roermond
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
West-Limburgian
19
Venlo
Roermond
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
West-Limburgian
20
East-Limburgian
Venlo
Roermond
Belgian Limburg
Hasselt
Dutch Limburg
Tongeren
Maastricht
West-Limburgian
21
Aims
22
Aims

• Overview of the tonal system of Hasselt

23
Aims

• Overview of the tonal system of Hasselt
• What makes the dialect of Hasselt typologically
  interesting?

24
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt
25
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data

26
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data
• Reading task

27
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data
• Reading task
• 4 dialect speakers from Hasselt

28
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data
• Reading task
• 4 dialect speakers from Hasselt
• 144 test sentences per speaker

29
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data
• Reading task
• 4 dialect speakers from Hasselt
• 144 test sentences per speaker
• 5 tonal minimal pairs single monomoraic words

30
Part I The tonal system of Hasselt

• 1. Data
• Reading task
• 4 dialect speakers from Hasselt
• 144 test sentences per speaker
• 5 tonal minimal pairs single monomoraic words
• Factors varied
• Intonation contour declarative/interrogative/
  continuative sentences
• Position of target word
• nuclear, postnuclear, prenuclear
• non-final/final in IP
• Focal condition Neutral vs. contrastive focus

31

• 2. Declarative nuclear non-final
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?2sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH LL H Li
  
• She has bought some little stockings.

32

• 3. Interrogative nuclear non-final
• ?muj? n?x ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s ?h?b?i
• Li LH L H Li
  
• Do you need some more little pieces of cheese?
• ?muj? n?x ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s ?h?b?i
• Li LH LL H Li
  
• Do you need some more little stockings?

33

• 4. Continuative nuclear non-final
• ii2s h?t z? ?n hin1 g??slax i
  .......................iu
• LiL H L H Li
• First she killed a hen ............
• ii2n h?t ?m f? hin2 g??slax i
  .......................iu
• LiL H LL H Li
  
• One he killed for them .............

34

• 5. Declarative postnuclear non-final
• pj???2 h?t f?r1? hin1 x??z?r1?x
• Li L H Li
  
• PETER looked after the hen
• pj???2 h?t f??1 hin2 x??z?r1?x
• Li LL H L Li
  
• PETER looked after them

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Summary of the tonal system
36
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units

37
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH

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Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li

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Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours

40
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours
• Declarative and Interrogative LH Li

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Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours
• Declarative and Interrogative LH Li
• Continuative LH Li
• (with Li realised non-low when non-final in UP)

42
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours
• Declarative and Interrogative LH Li
• Continuative LH Li
• (with Li realised non-low when non-final in UP)
• Lexical tone contrast

43
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours
• Declarative and Interrogative LH Li
• Continuative LH Li
• (with Li realised non-low when non-final in UP)
• Lexical tone contrast
• Accent 2 L

44
Summary of the tonal system

• Intonational units
• Pitch accents LH
• Final boundary tones Li
• Nuclear contours
• Declarative and Interrogative LH Li
• Continuative LH Li
• (with Li realised non-low when non-final in UP)
• Lexical tone contrast
• Accent 2 L
• Accent 1 lexically toneless

45
Part II What makes the dialect of Hasselt
typologically interesting?
46
Part II What makes the dialect of Hasselt
typologically interesting?

• East-Limburgian dialects (Venlo, Roermond)
• Lexical tone contrast is mora-based.

47
Part II What makes the dialect of Hasselt
typologically interesting?

• East-Limburgian dialects (Venlo, Roermond)
• Lexical tone contrast is mora-based.
• Hasselt (and probably other West-Limburgian
  dialects)
• Lexical tone contrast is syllable-based.

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• Supporting observations

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• Supporting observations
• 1. Required syllable structure

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• Supporting observations
• 1. Required syllable structure
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that contain at least two sonorant
  moras.

51

• Supporting observations
• 1. Required syllable structure
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that contain at least two sonorant
  moras.
• b. Hasselt
• The lexical tone contrast is independent from
  the number of sonorant moras.

52

• Hasselt Accent 2 on syllables with a single
  sonorant mora
• v? h?be u?1t n ka2t t??2s xaa1d
• Li LL HL
  Li
• Some time we had a cat at home.
• ?

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• Hasselt Accent 2 on syllables with a single
  sonorant mora
• v? h?be u?1t n ka2t t??2s xaa1d
• Li LL HL
  Li
• Some time we had a cat at home.
• Hasselt Accent 2 on syllables, whose second mora
  is ambisyllabic
• m knum2?lt t?r n?x al2t??2t aa2n
• Li LL H L L
  L Li

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• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1

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• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.

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• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.
• Difference between Accent 1 and no Accent

57

• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.
• Difference between Accent 1 and no Accent
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.

58

• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.
• Difference between Accent 1 and no Accent
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt
• No steep fall on Accent-1 syllables.

59

• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.
• Difference between Accent 1 and no Accent
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt
• No steep fall on Accent-1 syllables.
• No difference between Accent 1 and no Accent

60

• 2. Phonetic realisation of Accent 1
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• In declaratives, Accent 1 is realised with a
  steep fall.
• Difference between Accent 1 and no Accent
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt
• No steep fall on Accent-1 syllables.
• No difference between Accent 1 and no Accent
• No motivation for assuming more than one
  docking-site.

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• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands

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• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.

63

• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.

64

• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.

65

• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.

66

• Roermond
• min ?rm1 ?zit? aan min h?n fas
• Li H
  Li
• My arms are attached to my hands
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH L H Li
• She has bought some little pieces of cheese.

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• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2

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• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)

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• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• Level or mid-rising pitch

70

• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• Level or mid-rising pitch
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.

71

• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• Level or mid-rising pitch
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt

72

• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• Level or mid-rising pitch
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt
• Displacement of focal tone

73

• 3. Phonetic realisation of Accent 2
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• Level or mid-rising pitch
• ? The accented syllable has two docking-sites
  for tones.
• Hasselt
• Displacement of focal tone
• The accented syllable has no more than one
  docking-site.

74

• Roermond
• ?min? ?rm2 zitte aan ?min? han fasi
• Li HH
  ?Li
• My arm is attached to my hand.

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• Roermond
• ?min? ?rm2 zitte aan ?min? han fasi
• Li HH
  ?Li
• My arm is attached to my hand.
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH LL H Li
• She has bought some little stockings.

76

• Roermond
• ?min? ?rm2 zitte aan ?min? han fasi
• Li HH
  ?Li
• My arm is attached to my hand.
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH LL H Li
• She has bought some little stockings.

77

• Roermond
• ?min? ?rm2 zitte aan ?min? han fasi
• Li HH
  ?Li
• My arm is attached to my hand.
• Hasselt
• z? h?t ? pa? ?ki?1sk?s x??k?xi
• Li LH LL H Li
• She has bought some little stockings.

78

• 4. Interaction with intonational tones

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• 4. Interaction with intonational tones
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)

80

• 4. Interaction with intonational tones
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that bear either a pitch accent or a
  final boundary tone.

81

• 4. Interaction with intonational tones
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that bear either a pitch accent or a
  final boundary tone.
• b. Hasselt

82

• 4. Interaction with intonational tones
• Venlo and Roermond (East-Limburg)
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that bear either a pitch accent or a
  final boundary tone.
• b. Hasselt
• The lexical tone contrast is restricted to
  syllables that bear primary or secondary word
  stress.

83

• Lexical tone opposition in postnuclear non-final
  position
• pj???2 h?t f?r1? hin1 x??z?r1?x
• Li L H Li
  
• PETER looked after the hen

84

• Lexical tone opposition in postnuclear non-final
  position
• pj???2 h?t f?r1? hin1 x??z?r1?x
• Li L H Li
  
• PETER looked after the hen
• pj???2 h?t f??1 hin2 x??z?r1?x
• Li LL H L Li
  
• PETER looked after them

85

• Lexical tone opposition in postnuclear non-final
  position
• pj???2 h?t f?r1? hin1 x??z?r1?x
• Li L H Li
  
• PETER looked after the hen
• pj???2 h?t f??1 hin2 x??z?r1?x
• Li LL H L Li
  
• PETER looked after them

86
Hasselt compound forms (after Staelens 1989)
87
Hasselt compound forms (after Staelens 1989)

• ???1?str??1t Old Street

88
Hasselt compound forms (after Staelens 1989)

• ???1?str??1t Old Street
• ?ee2k??str??1t Oak Street

89
Hasselt compound forms (after Staelens 1989)

• ???1?str??1t Old Street
• ?ee2k??str??1t Oak Street
• ?kuu1?mær2?k Cow Market

90
Hasselt compound forms (after Staelens 1989)

• ???1?str??1t Old Street
• ?ee2k??str??1t Oak Street
• ?kuu1?mær2?k Cow Market
• ?free2t?mær2?k Fruit Market

91
Summary
92
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt

93
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system

94
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone

95
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone
• 3. No TBUs smaller than the syllable required

96
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone
• 3. No TBUs smaller than the syllable required
• No restriction of contrast to bimoraic syllables

97
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone
• 3. No TBUs smaller than the syllable required
• No restriction of contrast to bimoraic syllables
• Accent 1 no steep fall

98
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone
• 3. No TBUs smaller than the syllable required
• No restriction of contrast to bimoraic syllables
• Accent 1 no steep fall
• Accent 2 Displacement of focal tone

99
Summary

• Tonal system of the dialect of Hasselt
• Simple intonational system
• Accent 2 lexical low tone
• Accent 1 no lexical tone
• 3. No TBUs smaller than the syllable required
• No restriction of contrast to bimoraic syllables
• Accent 1 no steep fall
• Accent 2 Displacement of focal tone
• No restriction of contrast to syllables that bear
  an intonational tone

100
Thank you!
101
Data basis

• Dutch Limburg
• Venlo (Gussenhoven van der Vliet 1999)
• Roermond (Gussenhoven 2000, 2000a)
• Belgian Limburg
• Hasselt (Peters ms. 2003)
• Tongeren (Heijmans 1999)
• Borgloon (research in progress)