Network lending, but doesn't want to participate in forma

1 / 71
About This Presentation
Title:

Network lending, but doesn't want to participate in forma

Description:

Network lending, but doesn't want to participate in formal lending pool: 'but if ... Yolanda: Food Stamps for children but hides this from Horacio; he's 'man enough' ... –

Number of Views:251
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 72
Provided by: HiroYos6
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Network lending, but doesn't want to participate in forma


1
Immigrants Raising Citizens The Second
Generation in the First Years of Life
  • Hirokazu Yoshikawa,
  • Harvard Graduate School of Education
  • Baruch College, CUNY, April 2009
  • Thanks Catherine Tamis-LeMonda, Ronit
    Kahana-Kalman, CRCDE researchers at NYU and
    Harvard, and the NSF, Russell Sage Foundation,
    and William T. Grant Foundation

2
Overview of Research Programs
  • Impact on children of efforts to improve the
    quality of early childhood care and education
  • Cluster-randomized trial in Chile (Fundacion
    Oportunidad)
  • Regression-discontinuity study in Boston (IES)
  • Meta-analysis of policies and programs across
    prenatal period to age 5 (Buffett Early Childhood
    Fund)
  • Parental employment and child development
  • Low-wage workers in the US welfare to work and
    antipoverty experiments
  • Parent work trajectories, parenting and child
    development in urban China
  • The development of young children in low-income
    immigrant families

3
Overview
  • Undocumented Status An understudied factor in
    theories and studies of the second generation
  • Description of study sample and methods
  • 3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla mechanisms of
    how parent undocumented status could affect child
    development

4
  • Undocumented Status An understudied factor in
    theories and studies of the second generation?
  • Description of study sample and methods
  • 3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla different
    mechanisms of how parent undocumented status
    could affect child development

5
Demographic Overview (Capps Fix, 2005 Passel
Cohn, 2008)
  • Estimated 11.9 million undocumented immigrants in
    the U.S. in 2008 30 of foreign-born
  • 59 from Mexico
  • 22 other Latin Am
  • 12 Asia (principally China, India, Korea,
    Philippines)
  • Of all Mexican foreign-born 56 are unauthorized
    of those in US for 10 years or less, 80-85
  • Of Mexican unauthorized, estimated 25-40 visa
    overstayers rest (60-75) border crossers
  • No clear path to citizenship (Motomura, 2006)
  • Two-thirds of children of undocumented parents
    are U.S.-born (i.e., citizen children in
    mixed-status families)

6
An overlooked factor in studies of the second
generation
  • Assimilation theories and the 2nd generation
    citizenship and documentation part of theoretical
    frameworks, but emphasis on peer effects,
    community norms, neighborhood economic
    opportunity, intergroup contact.
  • Factors most studied in segmented assimilation of
    2nd generation not as relevant to 0 to 3.
  • Transnational theories emphasize political,
    institutional and network participation across
    borders.
  • Both sets of theories little empirical work on
    parent citizenship / documentation status and
    development of the 2nd generation.

7
Undocumented status and recent waves of
immigration from Mexico and China in NY
  • Mexicans from Puebla / Guerrero / Mixteca region,
    Chinese from Fujian Relatively early in waves of
    immigration to NY (Liang, 2001 Smith, 2006)
  • Most have arrived in the last 10-15 years
  • Numbers growing
  • Relatively high rates of disadvantage,
    undocumented status

8
Apparent reasons not to worry about this group
  • Recent immigrants Lower levels of racial/ethnic
    discrimination
  • At school entry MX and Asian childrens
    attentiveness and persistence higher than other
    groups of similar backgrounds internalizing and
    externalizing no different (Crosnoe, 2006)
  • Our data
  • Mexicans lower economic hardship than
    Dominicans, African Americans
  • Mexicans higher system justification (perceived
    fairness of US society as a whole) than African
    Americans or Dominicans (Godfrey, 2008)
  • Mexicans US government more generous than MX re
    children, families

9
Reasons to worry about this group
  • Non-citizens higher food insecurity (Van Hook
    Balistreri, 2006 Kalil Chen, 2008)
  • Mexican children low preschool enrollment
    (4-year olds 55 in US vs. 80 in MX Hernandez,
    Denton, Macartney, 2007 Yoshikawa et al.,
    2007)
  • At school entry MXs lower on overall physical
    health, math scores, controlling for SES
    indicators (Crosnoe, 2006) lower on reading
    scores (Han, 2006)
  • Mexican adolescents high dropout rates
  • Chinese adolescents lower self-esteem, higher
    depression and social isolation relative to
    White, Black, and Latino counterparts in urban
    multi-ethnic schools (Fuligni Qin, Way,
    Mukherjee, 2008 Kao, 1999)

10
Early cognitive development
  • MX children at 24 months Lower than African
    Americans on expressive language using Mullen
    Scales lower than Dominicans on MacArthur
    Communication Inventory (each word asked in
    Spanish and English difference due to English
    vocabulary of Dominican children) videotaped
    language in process
  • MX children at 36 months Lower than African
    Americans on expressive language (by .66 SD)
  • Difference not explained by indicators of family
    structure, mother / father education, employment,
    occupational complexity household earnings
    adults in household children in household
    child sex, birth order language(s) spoken at
    home

11
US frameworks of disadvantage and poverty may be
inadequate
  • Traditional theories of disadvantage
    (poverty-based) or discrimination dont measure
    everyday experiences of incorporation or
    exclusion (might not be accompanied by
    perceptions of discrimination or exclusion)
  • Social exclusion theory A more promising theory
    to inform research on this group (Alba, 2005
    Burchardt, LeGrand, Piachaud, 2002 Lenoir,
    1974)
  • Indicators of social marginalization and
    disadvantage beyond poverty

12
Social exclusion isdistinct from poverty
  • Social exclusion applied to civic membership
  • Low participation in and access to institutions
    and resources driven by citizenship status
  • Public e.g., education, legal, health care,
    policy
  • Private social institutions, organizations,
    networks
  • Not simply material disadvantage
  • Overlooked in US work on poverty and childrens
    development (Kamerman Kahn, 2002 Micklewright,
    2002)
  • EU prominent in theory policy (National Action
    Plans Against Poverty and Social Exclusion)

13
Research Question
  • What are everyday experiences as a parent that
    might be associated with being undocumented?
  • Are parents everyday experiences of being
    undocumented associated with very early
    development, controlling for indicators of SES?

14
  • Undocumented Status An overlooked factor in
    theories and studies of the second generation?
  • Description of study sample and methods
  • 3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla different
    mechanisms of how parent undocumented status
    could affect child development

15
Center for Research on Culture, Development and
Education
  • Aim How do family, peers, schools, and parental
    employment influence child and adolescent
    development in multiple ethnic and immigrant
    groups in New York City?
  • 2 cohorts birth (Tamis-LeMonda, Yoshikawa) and
    adolescent (Hughes and Way)
  • CRCDE birth cohort 3 NYC hospitals serving
    Mexican, Dominican, Chinese, U.S.-born African
    American
  • 374 mothers of newborn infants
  • 114 African American (100 2nd generation)
  • 113 Dominican (86 1st generation)
  • 93 Mexican (100 1st generation) (MX births gt
    DR births for first time in NYC, 2000-2005)
  • 54 Chinese (100 1st generation)

16
CRCDE Birth Cohort Study Assessment Schedule
  • Baseline interviews with mothers in hospitals
    post-partum wards
  • Phone interviews at 1 month and 6 months
  • 14-, 24-, 36- and 52-mo home visits (2-3 hours)
    survey, videotaped observation of mothers and
    children, direct child assessment

17
CRCDE Qualitative Studies(Yoshikawa, Chaudry,
Torres, Rivera)
  • Two studies (2003-2004 and 2005-2007)
  • Study I (prior to larger cohort recruitment)
  • Families with children between 9 and 36 months
  • Study II stratified random subsample of birth
    cohort
  • Both studies
  • 7-10 visits total per family
  • Study I visits every 2-3 weeks
  • Study II visits every 8-10 wks (child 9 to 30
    months)
  • 6 semi-structured Interviews participant
    observation (all visits) with extensive field
    notes
  • Transcription, translation
  • Combined N 11 Dominican, 13 Mexican, 5 Chinese
    families

18
CRCDE Birth Cohort Likely variation in
undocumented status across groups
  • Chinese and Mexicans Highest proportions
    undocumented
  • Dominicans Moderate proportion
  • African Americans All U.S.-born
  • Today focus on CH, MX

19
African Americans in sample relative to African
American concentration, 2000 Census
20
Mexicans in sample relative to Mexican
concentration, 2000 Census
21
Chinese in sample relative to Chinese
concentration, 2000 Census
22
Dominicans in sample relative to Dominican
concentration, 2000 Census
23
Puebla and Fujian
  • Largest sending regions to New York City from MX
    and CN
  • Puebla 7th highest in economic disadvantage
    among 31 states (2000 CONAPO index).
  • Fujian one of the wealthier provinces
    increasing inequality post-economic reforms
    (Liang, 2001)
  • Both groups
  • Relatively large proportions of undocumented
  • Recent increases (since early 1990s) in
    emigration to NYC
  • Chain migration international smuggling
    operations
  • Remittances and economic development in sending
    regions
  • What about family life and implications for
    childrens development?

24
  • Undocumented Status An understudied factor in
    theories and studies of the second generation?
  • Description of study sample and methods
  • 3) Tales of Fujian and Puebla different
    mechanisms of how parent undocumented status
    could affect child development

25
Ling
26
Ling and Guang
  • Ling, late 30s and husband Wei, also late 30s
    come to New York in late 1980s
  • Met in early 1980s at a tire factory in Fujian
  • Son Guang, age 11 (2 younger kids as well)
  • Family of farmers I had nothing to do in the
    countryside.
  • 28,000 (now upwards of 60,000-80,000)
  • Prayed to Stone Bamboo Mountain
  • Hardships of early crossings mountain crossing
    to Thailand thefts.

27
Guang to Fujian province
  • Sent Guang back to China 2 months to 4 years
  • Remittances 1,500 a year.
  • Ling Separation is why Guang is less close to
    her and husband than other 2 children.
  • US preschool teacher - Did your dad and mom
    treat you nice? No only my grandparents.
  • Age 4 Old enough to study. And he can attend
    preK.
  • Theory of ability not effort I told my husband,
    I think we dont have the talent we didnt have
    people who study in our last generation.
  • Used to send Guang to Chinese shadow schooling
    But I am busy and sometimes lazy. I dont think
    they could learn much there.

28
CRCDE rates of sending back to home country in
first 6 months
  • Chinese 72
  • Dominican 22
  • Mexican 1

29
Reasons for sending home
30
Changle County, Fujian
  • Primary sending county to US (others JP, AU / NZ,
    EU)
  • Airport in Changle No accident! (Liang, 2001)
  • Hx of emigration economic development post-1978
    tied to foreign trade
  • Once chain migration starts, relative deprivation
    drives emigration. Remittances, fancy apartment
    buildings, returnees lavish spending
  • Those with no interest in leaving mei chu xi
    no great future

31
Men who return
  • Male marriage market advantages
  • Ling If they came back to the US and go back to
    get married, if they choose, the first ones they
    choose are very beautiful women. So many women,
    they put the womens pictures there to let you
    choose. So they all wanted to come to the U.S.
    They almost all came. Like my family, theres
    only my mom there.

32
Mei later in wave of Fujianese migration
  • Mei arrival 10 yrs after Ling. Immediate
    family is almost all in US.
  • No extreme hardships, land crossings.
  • Parents farmers too When I asked her about her
    childhood she was ashamed and thought it
    worthless to talk about it. Because there was
    nothing special. Without toys she grew up
    hanging out with a group of children in the
    village.
  • Life now in Fuzhou is so different her cousin
    just had a newborn girl. After the birth her
    cousin stopped working. They hired a live-in
    nanny and bought their own house. With a good
    job life in China its really better than here.
    You see we have to pay for such a living
    condition.

33
(No Transcript)
34
(No Transcript)
35
(No Transcript)
36
(No Transcript)
37
(No Transcript)
38
(No Transcript)
39
Inscription on gate
  • ???????????
  • ??XXX ???????
  • The Sun shines upon morning dews reflecting a
    thousand rays in the gold world
  • The Moon shines upon XXXX reflecting thousands of
    miles in the jade universe
  • ??????????? 2003?10?
  • Donated and built by Chinese American Mr. Yang
    Yezhun in October 2003

40
Consequences for children of sending and return?
  • Rong et al. (2007) Fuzhou Normal University
    preschool sent-back children raised by
    grandparents lower on cognitive and
    socioemotional assessments than children being
    raised by own parents.
  • Why?
  • Large generational differences in China
    education, rural / urban origins, human capital,
    wages.
  • Implications for parenting practices (Rong et al.
    preschool feeding story Nanjing project)
  • Possible implications for attachment
  • Long-term implications for Fujianese-origin
    children following returns to US unknown reports
    of behavior problems in NY Head Start
  • Contributions to lower psychological well-being
    later in life?

41
NYC contexts Employment
  • Parental Employment of undocumented Fujianese
    Nearly entirely restricted to restaurants
  • Restaurant pathway to economic mobility for
    Fujianese
  • 70-80K monthly take (NYC)
  • 60-70K start up for storefront restaurant, 400K
    for buffet
  • She told me every visit that one of her friends
    owns 3 buffet restaurants and is thinking of
    opening a 4th.
  • Typically 12 hours a day of work plus commute 6
    days a week
  • Average work hours for Chinese (63.6) gt MX gt DR
    and AA
  • Wage / hours violations extremely common
    (Ollies Saigon Grill Silver Palace cases)
  • Extremely high mobility across eastern U.S.
    snakeheads, E Broadway employment agencies.
  • Network lending, but doesnt want to participate
    in formal lending pool but if someone runs
    away there goes the organization.

42
Yolanda
43
Yolanda
  • Early 30s, living in E Harlem, came 5 years ago
  • Grew up in Puebla in a village outside city
  • Oldest received order from husband Horacio
    (already in US) that he had arranged for her
    crossing came within a week. I had no choice.
  • 3 children, Angel (3), Lucero (7), and Jorge
    (11), one of whom (the middle one) is husbands
    child with another woman

44
Yolanda
  • Horacio Restaurant delivery, work-related injury
    dream to become a taxi driver doesnt want
    his son now that he is older to see him as his
    father who never amounted to anything.
  • Drives friends gypsy cab but spends hours not
    picking up customers. No access to taxi license
    in NY (SSN).
  • Quits job to go to MD to find work they give
    out drivers licenses there to undocumented?
  • Horacio doesnt want Yolanda to work more than
    P/T.
  • She reaches a point in which me empezo a pisar,
    y yo saque las uñas.
  • Yolanda Food Stamps for children but hides this
    from Horacio hes man enough to provide for
    his family.
  • US economic hardship driven by emergency
    remittance needs in MX.

45
Yolanda
  • Housing ceiling of BR trash cans.
  • Rats, cockroaches and mold no matter how much
    she cleans and disinfects. Repairs only when
    building inspected.
  • No quiet lighted place for studying in house
    Jorge and Lucero often get annoyed with Angel
    because he gets in their way when they try to do
    schoolwork.
  • Sometimes when depressed wants to kill herself.

46
Yolanda and her Family Hypotheses
  • Experiences associated with undocumented status
    and child development?
  • 1) Lack of access to resources requiring
    identification
  • 2) Access to policy supports for children and
    families and take-up of policies for which
    children eligible
  • 3) Low quality and recourse in housing, work, and
    other contexts
  • Mechanisms of effects on young child development
    economic hardship parent psychological
    distress?

47
Access to institutional resources that require
identification
  • Why are undocumented immigrant parents less
    likely to take up conditional cash transfers /
    formal job training?
  • 1) Formal exclusion (cf. NC community colleges)
    but also
  • 2) Avoid accessing resources that require
    identification
  • Resources that require identification
  • Formal banking (checking account, savings
    account)
  • Credit
  • Drivers license
  • Index measure

48
Do rates of access to resources requiring
identification differ?
49
Conceptual Model Access to Resources Requiring
Identification
Visual reception
Economic hardship
Ethnic/ immigrant group (Mexican
1stgen./ Dominican 1st gen./ AfAm U.S.-born)
Mexicans higher rates of undocumented status than
Dominicans
Fine Motor
Household- level Access to institutional resources
Psychological distress
Receptive Language
Cognitive stimulation index
Expressive Language
50
Figure 3. Institutional Resources Model Full
Sample.
Economic hardship (24 mos.)
Economic hardship (14 mos.)
Fit Statistics ?2(51) 58.86 NNFI .97 CFI
.98 RMSEA .022 (.000 to .043)
.46
.14t
.22
-.28
Dominican (AfAm reference group)
-.20
Mullen Early Learning Composite (24 mos.)
.19
Institutional resources (14 mos.)
Psychological distress (24 mos.)
Psychological distress (14 mos.)
.75
-.28
Mexican (AfAm reference group)
-.21
-.20
Daily cogstim activities index (14 mos.)
Daily cogstim activities index (24 mos.)
.49
Notes Paths in bold are statistically
significant Numbers in diagram are
standardized path coefficients

51
Figure 4. Institutional Resources Model Mexicans
and Dominicans
Economic hardship (24 mos.)
Economic hardship (14 mos.)
Fit Statistics ?2(43) 29.10 NNFI 1.122 CFI
1.00 RMSEA .000 (.000 to .004)
.50
-.37
.18
-.30
Mullen Early Learning Composite (24 mos.)
Mexican (Dominican reference group)
Institutional resources (14 mos.)
Psychological distress (24 mos.)
Psychological distress (14 mos.)
-.41
.73
-.25
-.20
Daily cogstim activities index (14 mos.)
Daily cogstim activities index (24 mos.)
.43
Notes Paths in bold are statistically
significant Numbers in diagram are
standardized path coefficients

52
  • Model fits equally well in each group, suggesting
    that markers of social exclusion may differ
    across groups, but also have similar consequences
    within groups

53
  • 2) Access to Policies and take-up of policies for
    which children are eligible

54
Immigrant parents NY eligibility
  • No access to Medicaid for themselves
  • No access to public housing
  • Access to prenatal (and postnatal care up to 6
    weeks) in NY
  • Access to emergency medical care for themselves

55
Lower levels of take-up of policies for which
US-born children are eligible
  • U.S.-born children are fully eligible (e.g., for
    Food Stamps, TANF, CCDF child care subsidies,
    Title I, well-child visits, etc.) however,
    undocumented parents often do not take up
    programs, policies for eligible children (Capps
    et al., 2005 Matthews Ewen, 2006)
  • Low rates of use of Food Stamps, health insurance
    coverage, TANF, relative to children of citizen
    immigrant parents (Kalil Chen, 2008, ECLS-K)
  • Low rates of use of preschool education, relative
    to children of native parents (Hernandez, Denton,
    Macartney, 2006)

56
Program Use at 14 months (since childs birth)
Racial/ethnic differences are significant
across all groups. Mexicans and Dominicans
significantly different from African Americans.
57
Reasons for low take-up of policies and programs
  • Fewer sources of information about policy
    (Yoshikawa, Rivera, Chaudry Tamis-LeMonda,
    2005)
  • MXs lower availability of multiple forms of
    social support (child, financial, job related)
  • Among MXs lower social support predictive of
    Food Stamp take-up (Little Yoshikawa, 2007)
  • Beliefs about consequences of program use
  • Messages dissuading use from providers (given
    complex public charge laws in uncertain policy
    context)?

58
Beliefs re Consequencesof Benefit Use
  • Mexican families concern that their U.S.-born
    children would be required to pay back the
    government for any public aid they receive now
  • Mexican mother
  • M Ladies, like when I went to the park, they
    told me about welfare. When I was not
    working, a Puerto-Rican lady told me that I
    should ask for that, that for almost all the
    children, the ladies ask for that help. That I
    should ask for that help, that the majority of
    people ask for help, that children born here
    should. But my husband doesnt want to. I
    And why doesnt he want to?
  • M He says no because, according to a guy who
    was telling him that when they are older they
    send them to war. And he wouldnt like that for
    him baby. Because of the same, if the
    government helps us, after, that is, they will
    force us to help. They count on him, and thats
    why he doesnt want to.

59
Beliefs re Negative Consequencesof Benefit Use
  • Mexican mother
  • I tell you that as much as a girl wants to study
    go to university, that the government gives us
    the loan, so that they can go to university. And
    you say that because of their work, or sometimes
    they use benefits for everything. So if the
    person or the persons mother takes advantage of
    this aid, then there isnt much left for
    student loans because its like their savings
    that the government is going to lend them.
  • These kinds of beliefs also widespread among LPR
    immigrant parents

60
  • 4) Low quality and recourse in housing, work, and
    other contexts

61
Housing Quality and Undocumented Status?
  • She says it makes it hard to get a lease without
    a lease, the super can neglect upkeep.
  • The apartment building has been in horrible
    condition, and the super does a very poor job of
    maintaining the place. The walls are constantly
    being scratched at by rats. She has about three
    holes that she covers up with glue traps so that
    the rats dont come in to their apartment. The
    kitchen sink was leaking causing the wood from
    the cabinet underneath to rot. The toilet in the
    bathroom was also loose and water would leak out
    from the base, causing the bathroom to stink
    whenever they would use it. Since bathroom is
    right next to the kitchen, this especially
    bothered her.
  • Child diagnosed with chronic respiratory
    condition at 12 months

62
Rates of overnight hospitalization, 0-24 mos,
Mexican infants (Holding Yoshikawa, 2008)
20 of Mexican infants hospitalized in the first
24 months 46 of those hospitalized for
respiratory symptoms
National data (Harris, 1999 Mendoza Dixon,
1999) Mexican young children higher asthma than
other groups differences disappear by
adolescence Hispanic Health and Nutrition
Examination Survey
63
Work Quality
  • Wage growth and returns to education MX
    documented gt MX undocumented (Rivera-Batiz, 1999)
  • Unsafe work conditions, payment problems, and
    working without breaks Latino undocumented gt
    Latino LPR (Mehta, Theodore, Mora, Wade, 2002
    Chicago study)
  • Only 6 of immigrants experiencing unsafe
    conditions reported them to OSHA due to fear of
    employer reprisal or belief that it would not
    help
  • In our sample MXs significantly lower levels of
    occupational complexity than AA, DR, CH

64
Community Organizing?
  • Distressingly, virtually no reports from our
    ethnographic samples, despite immigration policy
    debate
  • Only link to organizing CBO serving MX community
    in E Harlem (1 mention in pilot ethnography)
  • Conflicting opinions re 2006 immigration policy
    debate risk of being deported has increased now
    theres hope of a path to citizenship
  • Hospital-based birth cohort lower rates of
    organizing and resistance than prior studies of
    undocumented immigrants sampled in other ways?
    (e.g., Zlolniski, 2006)

65
In-process assessments to further explore
everyday experiences of undocumented status
  • Housing problems and repair dynamics
  • Likelihood of contacting authority figures in
    situations of everyday injustice
  • Boss owes you money but refuses to pay you
  • Experiences of discrimination towards self or
    child, in work or school
  • Someone cheated you in a service context
  • Likelihood of hearing about organizing efforts in
    situations of injustice
  • With full qualitative analyses more comparisons
    of documented vs. undocumented within group

66
Conclusion
67
Effects of parent undocumented status on
children?
  • A potential additional explanation beyond poverty
    and forms of capital for later disparities
  • Exclusion might affect child development without
    a pathway through parents perceptions of
    exclusion or discrimination
  • Chinese potential effects on well-being through
    separations and parental transitions in first
    years of life
  • Mexicans effects on early cognitive development
    through economic hardship and higher parental
    distress, perhaps affecting quality of
    parent-child interactions
  • Other potential mechanisms point in wave of
    immigration network characteristics (proportion
    of undocumented adults / age / experience raising
    children support and investments in chidlren)

68
Questions / Next Steps
  • Full qualitative sample analyses
  • Growth curve analyses of child outcomes and
    family processes (14, 24, 36 mos)
  • More exploration of employment organizational /
    network data and new measures

69
Thanks
  • Participating families
  • National Science Foundation, Russell Sage
    Foundation, William T. Grant Foundation
  • PIs Catherine Tamis-LeMonda, Ronit
    Kahana-Kalman, Diane Hughes, Niobe Way
  • ECC Team at NYU
  • Field workers Boon Ngeo, Qing Xue, Ximena
    Acevedo, Gigliana Melzi, Margaret Caspe, Nia Ebon
    West-Bey, Kimberly Torres, Hirokazu Yoshikawa,
    Ann C. Rivera, Patricia Ruiz-Navarro, Frank
    Gaytan, Maria Reyes Lopez, Maria Ramos
    Olazagasti, Ajay Chaudry, Renelinda Arana, Monica
    Brannon, Erin B. Godfrey, Eva Ruiz, Bronwyn
    Becker, Carolin Hagelskamp

70
(No Transcript)
71
Employment MX
  • Lowest occupational complexity
  • Fathers most common delivery or work in a
    restaurant
  • Typically 12 hours a week plus commute 6 days a
    week and sometimes 7 days a week
  • Mothers lower rates of employment
  • Typical garment factory housecleaning
  • Wages at or near minimum wage
  • Experiences of lacking English knowledge
  • Co-workers with English knowledge get easier more
    clerical tasks mixed in (Elda packing boxes)
  • 1 mother worked for months in a home with her
    employer calling her Maria
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com