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Rich Harris Scott Orford

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Title: Rich Harris Scott Orford


1
Rich HarrisScott Orford
  • Theres space in them lines
  • The geography of multilevel modelling
  • Downloadable from www.geodemographics.info

2
Introduction
  • We argue that geographers should take numbers and
    statistics seriously not because they are
    necessarily natures own language, which was
    their justification in the quantitative
    revolution, but because they are a crucial
    component in the construction of social reality
    (Barnes, 2001 379).
  • The still apparent dismissal of quantitative
    approaches under the label of positivism (by
    some) hides the complex spatial formations
    implicit or explicit to specific techniques.

3
About multilevel modelling (MLM)
  • Addresses the geographical paradox of traditional
    regression models
  • Traditional regression modelling spatial
    autocorrelation (localized patterns) in the
    residuals are a violation of the regression
    assumptions.
  • In contrast, multilevel modelling
  • In conceptual terms, it can be seen that within a
    multilevel approach heterogeneity and difference
    both between people and contexts are seen as
    the norm, not an aberration (Duncan et al., 1998
    104, emphasis added).
  • In geographical context this usually the
    difference(s) between people at one scale and
    places at another.

4
Conceptual model
j
y
x
i
5
which (in model terms) is equivalent to
j
y
x
i
6
Spatial structure
  • Vertical not horizontal linkage
  • i.e. individuals are placed into groups at a
    higher level
  • The physical distances between members within
    groups makes no difference in algorithmic terms
  • Discrete object (vector) view of space
  • Contrasts with e.g. Geographically Weighted
    Regression (GWR)
  • yi ?0(ui,vi) ? ?k(ui,vi)xik ?I
  • ?k(u,v) is a continuous function (at a fixed
    level)
  • Regression coefficients are not assumed to be
    random but a deterministic function of location
    in geographical space
  • A model of spatial interaction is assumed a
    priori
  • i.e. the (x, y) location of an observation is
    another attribute (measurement) that is used in
    the calculation
  • Discrete/Field distinction is not clear-cut.

7
k
j
i
Wij ? 1/dc
8
Uses of multilevel modelling
  • Often looking for neighbourhood (/contextual)
    effects
  • We would expect spatial differences anyway
  • Compositional relationship
  • Y ? X
  • So if x1 gt x2 then y1 gt y2
  • But, we are looking for second order effects
  • yij ? (xi(j), J)
  • These could be exogenous (e.g. regional
    effects)
  • Or, endogenous (spatial interaction or
    collective effects)
  • The underlying rationale of area-based policies
    is that concentrations of deprivation give rise
    to problems greater than the sum of its parts
    (McCulloch, 2001 687).

9
Partitioning variance
  • There is nothing magical about multilevel
    models the principle difference between them and
    simple OLS regression models is that multilevel
    models permit complex error terms (i.e., variance
    components) by using sophisticated computational
    algorithms (Oakes, 2003 1934).
  • There is an individual-level, micro-model which
    represents the within-place equation, and an
    ecological, macro-model in which the parameters
    of the within-place model are the responses in
    the between-places models. This simultaneous
    specification allows for the separation, in a
    quantitative sense, of the compositional from the
    contextual (Duncan et al., 1998 102).
  • yij ?0j ?1jxij eij
  • ?0j ?0 u0j
  • ?1j ?1 u1j
  • N(0,?)

10
Example of some recent research questions
  • In a system where parents have constrained choice
    as to which schools their children attend
  • What factors are associated with a pupil
    attending a near school?
  • Is a consequence of pupils not attending a near
    school to increase observed ethnic segregation at
    the school level over and above that expected
    from the neighbourhood from which they are drawn?
  • Does increased segregation (if it occurs) affect
    school performance?

11
General model structure
  • Cross-classified, multilevel model

12
Random intercepts random slope model
1
p(NR2)
X
0
Grand mean
Departure from mean for given Mosaic type
Departure from mean for given school
13
(for white pupils in settlement A)
14
C20 Asian Enterprise
C26South Asian Industry
G42 Low Horizons
D23 Industrial Grit
G42 Low Horizons
D23 Industrial Grit
C26South Asian Industry
C20 Asian Enterprise
Crudely this is sensitivityto local whiteness
15
Some (technical) benefits of MLM
  • Explicitly models spatial autocorrelation and
    spatial heterogeneity (which are both forms of
    geographical context)
  • Improved (precision weighted) estimates and
    adjusted standard errors
  • Individual level parameters estimated using a MLM
    will differ from those estimated using a single
    level model in the presence of SA
  • Hence some aspect of context (geography) is
    built-into (implicitly expressed by) the
    individual level MLM estimates (i.e. components)
  • Even if there were no higher / second order
    effects, in the presence of spatial
    autocorrelation you would still need a MLM

16
Critiques of multilevel modelling (1)
  • The Modifiable Areal Unit / definition of
    neighbourhood hierarchy problems
  • There is no single, generalisable
    interpretation of the neighbourhood (Kearns
    Parkinson, 2001 2103).
  • In all applications of multilevel modelling we
    are required to believe that (a) people live out
    their lives within a fixed spatial hierarchy,
    that (b) we can identify and quantify that
    hierarchy, and that (c) this hierarchy will be
    appropriate for our whole sample population
    (Mitchell, 2001 1358).

17
Critiques of multilevel modelling (2)
  • The missing variable problem
  • If studies of neighbourhood effects fail to
    control adequately for the influence of
    neighbourhood and household characteristics, they
    may attribute to neighbourhoods what are really
    the effects of the omitted household and
    individual variables
  • Some relevant individual characteristics are
    harder to observe, however, and are generally not
    captured in empirical research (McCulloch, 2001
    670, emphasis added).

18
Critiques of multilevel modelling (3)
  • The slicing scales problem
  • Although human geography has worked for some
    time with the truism that people make places,
    just as places make people, it is striking how
    often the story of health and place stops short
    of embracing this mutuality (Smith Easterlow,
    2005 176, emphasis added).
  • Multilevel approaches ask us to make a formal
    distinction between characteristics which are
    individual and those which are area based this
    is a step backwards in terms of our understanding
    of how people and place are related (Mitchell,
    2001 1358).

19
Critiques of multilevel modelling (4)
  • The C-word dualism
  • The distinction between composition and context
    may not be as conceptually clear or as useful as
    may appear at first glance
  • Composition and context are frequently
    treated as unproblematic and obvious
    distinctions, and the underlying casual models
    are often implicit
  • Context is often treated as a residual
    category, containing those factors which remain
    once individual compositional characteristics
    are taken into account (Macintyre et al., 2002
    129)

20
Critiques of multilevel modelling (5)
  • The confounding / selection problem
  • The gaze of MLM tends to be top down (i.e. how
    the characteristics of neighbourhoods affect
    those of individuals)
  • What is missing is a sense of how biographical
    outcomes are themselves influenced by health
    trajectories the possibility that people whose
    health is already compromised might actively be
    placed into deprivation is rarely entertained
    (Smith Easterlow, 2005 177).
  • With respect to neighbourhood effects research,
    the trouble with observational designs is that
    people are selected into neighbourhoods they
    are not randomly distributed (Oakes, 2003 1932,
    emphasis added).
  • There can be no question that social structures
    and relations impact health and that disturbing
    disparities exist. And it is patently obvious
    that health varies with neighbourhood. The
    problem is that such phenomena are, per force,
    dependent happenings and as such render
    ineffective (multilevel) regression models aiming
    to identify independent effects (Oakes, 2003
    1944).

21
Critiques of multilevel modelling (6)
  • The over-emphasising context problem
  • The indication from these quantitative studies
    Pickett Pearl, 2001 was that area variations
    in health are incidental rather than fundamental
    that similar people have similar health
    experiences no matter where they live that,
    statistically, composition explains (much) more
    than context (Smith Easterlow, 2005 175,
    emphasis added).

22
Critiques of multilevel modelling (7)
  • Who or what is the underlying population?
  • MLM establishes significance estimates of second
    order (neighbourhood) effects by treating the
    higher level units as a sample of an underlying
    population
  • But what if your sample (size of dataset) means
    it essentially is the population?
  • What does (long term) probability mean within an
    open and dynamic (social) system?

23
Critiques of multilevel modelling (8)
  • Theories of neighbourhood effects are
    underdeveloped
  • Peer-group norms, the absence of successful role
    models, access to community-based social capital,
    real and perceived opportunity costs, and both
    personal efficacy and collective efficacy might
    all play important roles in explaining any
    neighbourhood effects (McCulloch, 2001 1367).
  • Different groups of people living in the same
    places may have different experiences and
    concepts of neighbourhood (e.g.. males and
    females in a particular place may have different
    local neighbourhoods borne-out by differences
    in day-to-day experiences).

24
Critiques of multilevel modelling (9)
  • All these critiques build up to challenge the
    ability to establish cause
  • The validity and generalisability of
    neighbourhood effects remain open to question,
    and as yet there has been little empirical
    investigation of the causal pathways by which
    social environments translate into biological
    states of health and disease (Pickett Pearl,
    2001 111).
  • The causal effect of neighbourhood contexts on
    health continues to confuse and elude us (Oakes,
    2003 1930, original emphasis).

25
Critical fallacy (1)
  • Because there are no apparent contextual
    effects there is no geography / geography does
    not matter
  • A compositional explanation for observed area
    variations in social and economic problems agues
    that areas of concentrated disadvantage arise
    solely because of the varying distribution of
    types of people whose individual characteristics
    influence their social and economic outcomes.
    That is, similar types of people will have
    similar experiences no matter where they live. It
    is therefore argued that people rather than areas
    should be targeted (McCulloch, 2001 668,
    emphasis added).
  • People often dont just live anywhere
  • The distribution of people is the geography
    (Mitchell, 2001 1358)
  • Ironically, multilevel practice may actually
    obscure that geography by focusing on higher
    order contextual effects

26
Critical fallacy (2)
  • If there is no evidence of a second order
    contextual effect then a MLM is not needed
  • Even without evidence of a second order
    contextual effect the modelling procedure needs
    to accommodate the geography of composition (i.e.
    the spatial autocorrelation)
  • While the technique represents a powerful means
    of investigating complex forms of contextuality,
    it carries no built in assumption regarding the
    importance of context. Multilevel models are just
    as capable of showing that context does not
    matter when theoretical and empirical work has
    suggested it might, (Duncan et al., 1998 109
    after Mason, 1991).

27
Critical fallacy (3)
  • Multilevel modelling cant be longitudinal
    (spatio-temporal).
  • Assuming the data are available the movement of
    individuals between places over time can be
    investigated

28
Spatio-temporal model
j(t1)
j(t0)
i
29
Conclusions
  • MLM research has highlighted that geographers
    still have problems with basic concepts such as
    context, scale, neighbourhood etc.
  • Problems of making operational these vague and
    contested concepts in quantitative research
    (especially health research)
  • Some issues very old (ie MAUP, temporal
    dimensions, the problems with dealing with
    processes (ie dynamic v static), identifying and
    measuring cause and effect)
  • Methodological Issues
  • What spatial scales are appropriate (and what are
    actually available)
  • What time scales are appropriate (e.g. with
    respects to effects on health)
  • Better theorisation of what is meant by context
    and how it is expressed at the different levels
    of the ML hierarchy.

30
  • A better theoretical understanding of how
    socio-economic process operate and the scales
    (spatial and temporal) at which they operate.
  • When to use MLM and when not to use MLM (eg
    discrete object v field conceptualisations)
  • Critical analysis of ML research in different
    subject areas (eg health, education, housing,
    voting) in order to gain a better understanding
    of compositional / contextual effects.
  • The dependency of MLM on iterative computation,
    simulation, approximation and (probability based)
    solution finding also raises interesting
    questions on research practices within
    statistical sciences, e.g. what it means to
    prove anything
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