Consequences of the chosen path

1
Consequences of the chosen path

• Independence was not been achieved through
  the right to self-determination of the people of
  Kosova but through negotiations of Kosovar
  politicians with Belgrade and in the end as a
  coordinated Declaration of Independence.
• Consequently, the lack of self-determination as
  method turned into lack of sovereignty as result.
  The independence we got is a form without content
  new name without new substance new flag and
  symbols, new papers and documents, but no army,
  no control over territory, borders, money and
  natural resources, no government free from the
  executive power of internationals.
• We asked for water believing that implies the
  glass we got a glass without water.

2
Sui generis? In order to avoid domino effect,
as seen from the perspective of the Security
Council of the UN, we were defined as sui generis
case. That is, a case never encountered before in
(law) books or in the past (history).
Consequently, experimenting has been
strengthened as policy. Ad hoc measures and
improvisations in no relations to any principles
or norms. No past, since history brings in the
concept of right and necessity for justice. No
future, since vision brings in the risk of action
and demands for responsibility.Everything is
possible in order for nothing to change.
3
Paradigm of stability

• Stability, not development, is the goal.
• EULEX describes itself as crisis management
  operation. EULEX is an embodiment of the EUs
  Security and Foreign Policy concept of crisis
  management.
• No opposition between stability and crisis. It
  is crisis which is stable.
• The international missions in Kosova are
  pre-conflict missions rather than post-conflict.
  
• The paradigm of stability in Kosova translates
  into international executive power over the
  institutions of Kosova. As a consequence, local
  politicians are obedient and servile. Mutual
  concealement Pieter Feith masks his omnipotence
  through Government of Kosova which, in return,
  masks its impotence through Pieter Feith.
• Yes, but this is an interim mission, a
  transition! We are not in a transition in
  Kosova, since we are always in a transition
  International rule in Kosova has never had a time
  limit.

4
Missing Self-determination

• Lack of self-determination
• External aspect Art.1.3 of Constitution, 6
  Points of Ban Ki-moon
• Internal aspect Feith, Zannieri, Kermabon and
  Gay parallel structures of Serbia

5
Government of Kosova

• No chrono-strategy and no geo-strategy no plans
  and vision for future, no clear and concrete
  allies since everybody is a friend.
• External recognitions as top priority, not
  internal sovereignty, territorial integrity and
  economy.
• Virtuality of de-territorialised independence
  Hashim Thaçi is not PM of Kosova but rather
  ambassador of the virtual Kosova, of the new
  flag, new anthem etc. to the real Kosova. The
  government building, symbolically just as an
  Embassy, even looks alien to the physical ground
  on which it is based not as something which was
  built and grew there, but as something which has
  landed there.

6
Towards where?There is no status quo1.
Attaching posteriori sovereignty to independence
domestic plan for social and economic
development 2. Bosniasation Territorialisation
of differences out of Ahtisaaris Plan and 6
Points of Ban Ki-moon perpetuation of
international ruleIndependence has future
once future becomes depended upon people.