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THE V

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A language (v ro kiil') or dialect (V ru murre) different from standard (eesti ... harmony, glottal stop in nominative plural, different 3rd person singular in the ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: THE V


1
THE VÕRO LANGUAGE - "FACING THE BRIGHT
FUTURE?Kadri Koreinik University of
Tartu/Võru Institute
  • Lesser Used Languages in Estonia and Europe
  • September 30 October 1, 2005, Roosta, Estonia

2
What is Võro?
  • A language (võro kiil) or dialect (Võru murre)
    different from standard (eesti kirjakeel) and
    common Estonian (eesti ühiskeel) spoken in SE
    Estonia.
  • Until 20th century two ancient tribal languages
    of North and South Estonian existed in the
    Estonian territory.
  • In course of nation-building North Estonian
    became a basis for the standard Estonian.
  • The Võru and Setu differ the most from the
    standard and common Estonian in all levels of
    language, the most manifest include vowel
    harmony, glottal stop in nominative plural,
    different 3rd person singular in the indicative
    mood, negative particle follows the verb, etc.
  • In terms of status, Võro has been considered as a
    dialect or sub-variety or subordinate language in
    the Estonian linguistic tradition and
    public/language policy.
  • Today, despite of the functional inferiority of
    Võro, a number of linguists maintain that there
    is (a) separate language(s) or a language group
    (e.g. South Estonian, Võro and Seto, Võro-Seto).

3
A fragment from the map Finno-Ugric and
Samoyedic Languages. Source Urmas Sutrop.
Estonian Language. Estonian Institute 2004
4
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5
Võro in everyday use
  • According to the case study from 1991 in Sutõ
    village, the users can be divided into three
    groups
  • informants/people born before 1935 (prior to WW
    II, many archaic features, prioritised the
    dialect over the standard )
  • between 1935-1960 (pretty levelled use, differs
    radically from the oldest group, respond in
    Estonian when approached, interference, learned
    Estonian in school)
  • and after 1960 (large individual in-group
    differences, limited register, use the standard
    with each other)
  • According to the representative survey from 1998
  • up to 70, 000 local residents claimed the
    frequent or occasional use of Võro, considered as
    passive and active users of Võro
  • less prestigious language - women, younger
    residents, people with higher education, and
    urban dwellers reported less frequent use
  • spoken more with elderly parents rather than with
    children
  • both code shifts and alternations are widespread
  • perceived mostly as local community language with
    rather limited register, but still normal,
    expected, and legitimate in SE Estonia

6
Institutionalising Võro
  • Since the end of 1980s (the Estonian new
    awakening!) the Võro movement has been active in
    language planning and maintenance activities.
  • Today, NGOs and other organisations of civic
    engagement that support the use of Võro include
    Võro Selts VKKF, Talna Võro Selts, Toronto
    Võrokeste Selts, Haanimiihhi Nõvvukoda, many
    village organisations.
  • In 1995 the Estonian government founded Võru
    Institute, a RD institution, which aims at the
    preservation and revitalisation of Võro.
  • Since the end of 1980s the new Võro standard has
    been elaborated, its guiding line has been
  • to find compromise between sharp sociolinguistic
    markers
  • to maintain specific South Estonian features
  • to follow the tradition of Tartu literary
    language (Agenda Parva 1622, Wastne Testament
    1686)
  • Since 2000 activities in Võro and in other local
    languages are supported by the state programme
    Southern Estonian language and culture

7
Institutionalising Võro
  • In 2002 the bilingual Võro-Estonian dictionary
    was published with 15,000 entries, Estonian-Võro
    will follow soon
  • Increasing use in public signs and texts
    (commercials, marketing), including Võro
    toponymes to the basic map
  • Adaptation of software (e.g. Opera, Total
    Commander)
  • Since the end of 1990s Võro has been very popular
    in theatre the Estonian-wide popularity came
    with a number of plays by Madis Kõiv and Kauksi
    Ülle, staged by Ingo Normet, Ain Mäeots, Taago
    Tubin.
  • All authors who have been writing in Võro have
    received the positive attention from both critics
    and wider Estonian audience (from Adson to
    Contra, from Studia Memoriae to ). The list of
    authors writing in Võro is gradually increasing,
    including young promising poets and prosaists.
  • Two songs in Võro made to the top of national hit
    lists Kõnõtraat in 1994 and Tii in 2004 as a
    winner of local Eurovision song contest.

8
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11
Võro in education
  • Theoretically it is possible to study Võro
    between grades 1-9 in 21 schools in Põlva, Valga
    and Võru counties - half schools in a region,
    that constituted the administrative unit between
    1783-1920
  • Yet the possibility depends on several factors
    if school administration is positive towards
    Võro, if the teacher is available and if the
    timetable allows to participate
  • Võru Institute has provided schools with teaching
    materials (e.g. primer, reader, workbook, tapes),
    has elaborated and proposed draft curriculum
  • As the subject is optional and does not belong to
    the national curriculum, the Võro class like the
    local culture/history in general has been
    described as peripheral in the school environment
    (Brown forthcoming)
  • Although the peripheral status gives teachers
    some independence in teaching, there is a need
    for support and legitimacy that national
    curriculum could provide.

12
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13
Võro in media
  • South Estonian appears first in print media with
    Tarto maa rahwa Näddali-Leht in 1806
  • Võro has appeared occasionally in local county
    newspapers and its content has been mainly
    jokes, sometimes pejorative, quotations in
    interviews with Võro speakers, a travelogue, etc.
  • In early 1990s Võro Radio was shortly
    broadcasting (mainly news-reporting, programme
    for children, interviews). Today the national
    radio broadcasts short news in Võro every other
    week
  • In national TV, a number of documentaries and
    talk shows (e.g. Kaemi perrä!, Kihoq,
    Mõtõlus) were produced resulting from the state
    programme
  • Võro is also present in the Internet (e.g.
    http//wi.werro.ee/bibliograafia,
    http//www.ekk.ee/avka)
  • Since 2000 the regular Uma Leht(UL) was
    published in every other week in 10,000
    exemplars. Also available online
    (http//www.umaleht.ee)

14
  • UL is rather typical example of community media
    -giving voice to various (older and newer)
    social movements, minorities, and
    sub/counter-cultures, and the emphasis on
    self-representation Carpentier et al. 2003)
  • UL is read regularly or occasionally by 3/4
    residents of Võru and Põlva county between 15-74
    ca. 32,000 (Source Saar Poll 2005).
  • an example of alternative media
  • not by opposing the power structure/governing
    ideologies or undermining them
  • but rather by providing news from a different
    perspective (c.f. standard Estonia, local
    identity) and
  • about the local community and matters, which are
    of little interest for mainstream media (everyday
    life at the local level, environmental, gender
    issues, minorities - e.g. Saami, Udmurts)
  • independent from market but not from state
    (direct mail, free)
  • horizontally structured and small-scale, oriented
    towards a specific community (Võro speakers or
    readers)

15
Discourse on the status of language
  • In 2004 a proposal to Estonian Government to
    recognise South Estonian (incl. Võro) as a
    language in order
  • to improve its prestige,
  • to widen its domains
  • and remove the legal vacuum
  • Articles concerning the status were analysed
  • Two opposing ideologies were found
  • hegemonic, nationalistic ideology, anti Russian,
    europessimistic, inclusive
  • antagonistic, minority supportive ideology,
    innovative, still inclusive
  • Two kinds of argumentation were explicit
  • convincing the audience to follow 19th century
    nationalistic course
  • finding support for (linguistic) minorities, to
    promote general tolerance

16
To sum up or to leave it open?
  • Both empirical studies imply that the diglossic
    situation of pre-war period, which even existed
    shortly after World War II, has changed to
    individual bilingualism, which is rapidly
    disappearing.
  • To paraphrase Skutnabb-Kangas and Fishman
    schools alone cannot save languages whereas they
    can kill a language
  • Dominant nationalistic ideologies do not allow
    multiple identities
  • Lack of recognition and local solidarity to
    revitalise the language
  • Many dilemmas for the speech community and the
    Estonian society
  • is my mother tongue a dialect (emamurre)?
  • who is legitimate to judge over the status and
    standard - linguists, the state or the community?
    What is the community? Will the imagined
    community count?
  • is language planning (resources!) needed for
    dialects
  • ?
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